Search

When a person indicates they are "liberal" or "conservative," an important part of what they are communicating is their goals for how they would like society to be structured. However, past theories have described these goals in dramatically different fashions, suggesting that either conservativism or liberalism reflects a divisive or unifying goal. To help overcome this impasse, we systematically compared a broad, representative sample of all possible higher-order goals (drawn a previous lexical investigation of more than 1,000 goals) to the political ideology of American adults (total n = 1,588). The results of five studies suggested that proposals from competing theories are all partially correct. Conservativism simultaneously reflects the unifying "value" of Tradition, as well as the divisive "vice" of Elitism; while Liberalism simultaneously reflects the unifying "value" of Inclusiveness, and the divisive "vice" of Rebellion. These results help to integrate proposals from previous competing theories into a single framework., Competing Interests: Declaration of Conflicting InterestsThe author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Self-control is often thought to be reactive and focused solely on the inhibition of responses elicited by temptations. In two studies, we assessed whether self-control can instead (a) be planned and (b) target the antecedents of the response to temptation. We assessed self-control planning, four antecedent-focused self-control strategies (i.e., situation-selection, situation-modification, distraction, and reappraisal) and one response-focused strategy (i.e., response-inhibition). In both studies, we found that self-control planning predicted the initiation of self-control independently of temptation. Each antecedent-focused self-control strategy uniquely predicted goal-progress. Response-inhibition did not produce consistent effects on goal-progress. These studies provide evidence that people proactively initiate self-control by targeting the antecedents of temptation and that doing so supports goal-progress.

Past research suggests that self-control lapses occur more frequently following demanding experiences in daily life. However, the reason for these effects is debated. Three studies were therefore conducted to better understand self-control lapses. Exploratory analyses were conducted in Study 1 to identify possible effects. Studies 2 and 3 evaluated these effects' reliability. Two patterns were identified. First, initial desire-goal conflict predicted later increases in subjective fatigue. This was in turn related to less effective self-control attempts. Second, initial self-control attempts also led participants to enact desires more frequently. This latter effect occurred even when (and perhaps especially when) those later desires were not resisted. In contrast, the strength model of self-control did not receive support, as initial self-control attempts did not affect the success of subsequent self-control attempts. These studies therefore suggest initial self-control does play an important role in producing later self-control lapses-just a different role than predicted by the strength model.