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For the end of the Early Iron Age and for the beginning of the Late Iron Age in Dobroudja, the scheme proposed 4 decades ago by Bernhard Hänsel on the basis of the Dobrina and Ravna necropoleis is still relevant today. The late phase of the Ravna necropolis (III) can be relatively synchronized to the period of use of the "Murighiol" type necropoleis, as well as with the well-known rich burial at Agighiol. After the abandonment of the necropoleis of "Murighiol" type (approximately at the end of the LT B phase) a surprising lack of funeral expressiveness followed. This period of very discrete funerary practices lasted from the mid-3rd century BC until the integration of the southern bank of the Lower Danube to the Roman Empire (mid-1st century AD). For this period, the only viable landmarks for a relative periodization are offered by the oscillations of the Satu Nou dwelling. The first dwelling on the Valea lui Voicu site (levels IX - IV) could correspond to the LT C1 phase. The dwelling from Vadul Vacilor site could correspond to the LT C2 and D1 phases. A newer dwelling on the Valea lui Voicu site (levels III - I) could correspond to the LT D2 phase in the chronology of the pre-Roman Dacia.

The X-ray fluorescence analyses of 19 harnesses pieces and 13 beads from Agighiol show that they were made from silver, gold and copper; some items include copper to strengthen the alloy and some phalerae were gilded and contain more gold in the protome. The X-ray fluorescence analyses of ten Histrian obols from the first stylistical and weight system (475-410 BC), plus three didrachmas and 26 obols of the second group (410-380 / 350 BC) show that they were made principally of silver. The earlier obols contain a higher percentage of copper and lead than the later obols; the copper and lead do not indicate an intentional alloying, but they belong to the process of extraction of silver from ores, because the silver was not purified. The phalerae and the beads differ from the coins in the proportions of gold and silver, differences that can be explained functionally and technologically: most of the phalerae were gilded, but the coins were made using pure silver. The coins and the phalerae differ with regard to trace elements, from example iron and bismuth, because of the different original ores from which the silver was extracted. The phalerae and coins could not have been cast using Histrian silver coins.

The following analysis emerged as an attempt to explain and contextualize a very rich grave, already historiographically notorious, with analogies equally famous, traditionally dated around the middle of the 4th c. BC, discovered in 1970, at Peretu, Romania, 40 km north of the Danube. The main objective of the study was to explore how (and if) this ostentatious display of authority, consumed in the symbolic domain, was linked with other processes of rising collective identities in North Danube Thrace, as suggested to had taken place by a series of neighbouring fortified sites dated approximately in the same period with the grave. These sites stand out through their particular technique of building defences based on using burnt clays in the construction of their enclosure walls. The interpretations will be partially based on recent interdisciplinary investigations (geophysical & aerial) undertaken in several fortified sites of the Teleorman region. In the two-three decades before the Macedonian rule, these fortified sites were already focusing the attention of regional communities around a cultic component, several of them developing into residential central places, beginning with the last quarter of the 4th c. BC. In a broader framework, the study examines the processes of social growth, authority centralization and emergence of collective identities occurred during the early Hellenistic period in peripheral territories of the Macedonian rule. North Danube Thrace exhibited, after the wars of Philip II and especially during those of Alexander’s Successors, a particular vivid demographic development. It is stated that this development, including the wealth visible in several graves, was triggered by the Macedonian coin and political interests of the Diadochi that used North-Eastern Thrace as a secondary stage in their power competition through proxy.

The presence of the Celts in Transylvania during the middle La Tène period was neither ephemeral nor devoid of consequences. Most likely, their mythological legacy materialized in local late La Tène iconography (e.g. "the knight with bird of prey" of Surcea or the "female triad" of Lupu). Despite the changes to the regional collective identities illustrated in the historical appearance of the Dacians, myths of Celtic tradition became integrated in the cultural memory of local elites of the 1st century BC. Under these circumstances, the alleged antagonism between Celts and Dacians, emphatically incorporated in the Romanian historiography from the testimony of Strabo (VII 3, 11), should be regarded with a critical eye. Beyond the conflict between Burebista, king of the Dacians and Getae, and Critasiros, king of the Boii and Taurisci, many indicators of a particular trans-regional cultural solidarity should be better distinguished, conceived and accepted. Most likely, habits and ideological patterns of central European (Celtic) origin played a fundamental role in the genesis of late La Tène culture in pre-Roman Dacia.