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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, better known as the RCEP, is a free trade agreement signed by 15 countries from the Asia-Pacific region in November 2020. It took effect in January 2022. After presenting an overview of the agreement, this paper looks at the negotiations and the current state of the RCEP. It then focuses on its basic content, particularly from a legal standpoint, as it analyses the institutional framework, the decision rule, its legal sources and the dispute settlement system, without omitting to look at the agreement from an economic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is in a period of transition, marked by a weakening of multilateralism, challenges to the liberal order and the consolidation of new global leaderships. In addition, various cross-border crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have compounded the effects of these changes at a regional level. Given this context, what room is there for regional cooperation in Latin America? As a tool for regional coordination and integration into international flows and dynamics, regionalism can boast achievements, but challenges remain. In analytical terms, this paper proposes an approach that enables an examination of the combination of interests, ideas and institutions at play on a regional level in Latin America. The central argument is that the changing dynamics of regionalism are a product of the way in which states' interests interact with ideas about the region in a specific institutional environment over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the concept of "global civil society" - which played a major role in the symbolic construction of the post-Cold War social reality - and reflects on its initial purpose as a critique of the conventional perceptions of statecentric politics and as a change of approach, towards non-party politics and cross-border activism. While it opened new horizons for the empirical analysis of "globalisation from below", this concept failed to prompt a radical epistemological change; it did not succeed in generating knowledge that transcended "methodological nationalism". The paper maintains that what once constituted the concept's disruptive potential - its conceptual enmeshment with the idea of globalisation, reflected in the adjective global - ultimately tamed it. Drawing on this premise, the aim is to rekindle the spirit of the notion of "global civil society" by introducing a concept that takes up and pushes forward this unachieved goal: "planetary politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the complex, multilateral and polycentric governance of the climate agenda, as well as the knowledge management architecture around the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Noting the difficulty involved in this governance, the paper shows how it has been capable of making progress in combating the climate crisis. Climate action governance resembles a network of networks, a dense web of public, private, social, technological, knowledgebased and intersectoral initiatives. Ensuring compliance with agreements is, without question, complex in many respects, but to date it has proven to be the only viable path. Highly dependent on the global context, the green transition is an opportunity to make a qualitive leap forward, against the backdrop of an energy crisis triggered by the invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a historical, cultural and social perspective to analyse the political transnationalism of indigenous peoples. Using key concepts like indigenous movements and transnational defence networks, alongside desk study and analysis of indigenous organisations' goals and programmes, this paper proposes a classification and definition of three types of indigenous political transnationalism: migratory, institutional and relating to transnational peoples. Examples are given for each, including indigenous organisations from America, Africa, Asia and international organizations, with the aim of revealing the complexity and importance of transnationalism as a fundamental factor in the indigenous protests of the last decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the barriers to the recognition of gender-based persecution as grounds for asylum. It focuses on Spain and examines the rulings of Spanish courts on applications based on various types of gender violence between 2009 and 2019 and looks at the theoretical propositions of "the politics of silence". The paper proposes that these barriers can be attributed to the interweaving of androcentric and colonial frameworks that produce arbitrary representations of non-European women and their cultures. It also highlights the paradoxical way authorities deploy culturalisation strategies around female genital mutilation and forced marriage, treating them as "exotic" violence, in contrast to the strategies of invisibilisation and silence used with other types of gender-based violence, such as "intimate violence". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been major geopolitical changes on the international landscape over the last three years, not to mention the consolidation of other transformations with deeper roots. To what extent, and how, does this new international context reframe the prospects of firming up the "agreement in principle" between the European Union (EU) and Mercosur approved in 2019? Working from an eclectic theoretical framework, which combines geopolitical and geoeconomic approaches with consideration of the impact of material and ideational factors, this paper takes a longitudinal view, drawing on a wide variety of sources, to try to shed light on the chances and prospects of an agreement of this type in the new global settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than a decade since the outbreak of the revolution in 2011, Libya remains mired in a political crisis and institutionally fragmented, having been the scene of two civil wars. This paper looks at the interrelationship between the national and international dimensions of the conflict to illustrate how the various rival political elites project an image of the country to the outside world (branding) in order to boost their national and international legitimacy, obtain material support and strengthen their bargaining position in the peace processes. To that end, it studies the discourses of the Libyan political elites in three periods: the first Libyan civil war (2011) and the transition phase, the second civil war (2014-2020) and the failed attempt to hold presidential elections in 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role played by leaders figures from the Moroccan diaspora as potential instruments of legitimation for the Moroccan state and traditional elites, not just on an international scale and among the Moroccan communities living abroad, but also on a domestic level. Through the case study of specific events that happened to two prominent figures from the Moroccan community in Spain - rapper and songwriter Morad and football player Achraf Hakimi - in 2022, it analyses the legitimation strategies - cooption or coercion - that the Moroccan state employs to ensure that the stance taken in terms of politics and identity, as well as the cultural production, of leaders figures from the diaspora are aligned with its interests and principles at all times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses three features that characterise the authoritarian restoration following what is known as the Arab springs of 2011: a) the recourse to technocratic governments, b) the proliferation of discourses on the depoliticisation of governance and c) the postponement of the renegotiation of the old social contracts. Added to this is the importance of the international nexus, given that strategic allied states at a global level and international financial institutions embrace a formula that ensures stability and facilitates the implementation of neoliberal reforms. However, this authoritarian technopopulism fails to address the economic demands of the population, nor does it provide avenues of political inclusion or a framework for drawing up a new social contract; at best, it serves momentarily as a structure to contain the protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been several overlapping crises in North Africa in recent decades. The social contract is in crisis, and this became clear during the antiauthoritarian uprisings of 2011 and 2019. In addition, the region is locked in a socioeconomic crisis that deepened after the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and has been aggravated by the global impacts of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This paper underscores the need to reflect on the legitimation of the North African elites in this context, looking at the connection between the domestic and international spheres. It also presents various legitimation strategies that take in the interaction between the domestic and external spaces. This approach seeks to enrich the debate on the relationship between authoritarianism, its legitimation and the international dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The network structures that have arisen out of globalisation could provide an alternative means of addressing major global challenges (climate change, mitigation of its effects or the prevention of pandemics). Cities increasingly consider themselves "actors motivated by interests" and they turn to urban diplomacy and interestbased networks to change the conversation - and, ultimately, the power structure - of multinational governance. Starting with a definition of what urban power is, this paper examines the rise of urban networks and their leverage of data to claim a more active role in the face of their nation-states, and on a global scale. Drawing on two brief case studies - the C40 network and Voluntary Local Reviews - it points to possible ways forward for urban influence networks in the near-term future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is democracy's place in the shifting international order? There is a fear that a more geopolitical order will only aggravate the general crisis of democracy; or that a more plural order will dilute the efforts to defend the rules governing it. Yet, while recent political and normative trends corroborate this concern, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has in some ways given greater prominence to the defence of democratic values around the world. This paper explores the impact that geopolitical tensions and shifting international order on global democracy. And in the context of the crisis of meaning affecting democracies, it examines whether Russia's war in Ukraine has served both as a catalyst of the international dimensions of support for democracy and as a factor magnifying its fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal international order established after the end of the Cold War is currently an order in transition. The shift in material power - following the rise of China - is necessary to understanding the changes in the international order, but it is not the whole story. We are seeing both material and ideational changes. The present moment is one of rules under challenge. But the normative contestation the international order is facing is not just about the rivalry between China and the United States or the tired description of "the rest against the West"; its parameters are more complex and diverse. To demonstrate that, this paper looks at three very different issues on the international agenda: a) governance of the Internet, b) sexual and reproductive rights and c) migration management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the introduction to the 40th anniversary issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, this paper looks at developments in international relations over the last four decades, alongside the publication's content and against the backdrop of the current crisis of the international order (or disorder). It spans the end of the Cold War and the faith deposited in globalisation and liberal democracy in the unipolar world of the mid-1990s, taking in the spread of the values and ideas of global governance at the end of the last century, before arriving at the growing multipolarity, rivalry between China and the United States and the challenge to the liberal order and permacrisis of recent years. Special mention is made of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse how gender relations interact in labour socialisation in the Moroccan export industry - based on a case study of the city of Casablanca - and the relationship with international migration. The paper uses qualitative research, with analysis based on grounded theory and an intersectional studies approach. The global labour market emerges as a new axis of inequality creating new spaces that keep the majority in a precarious position. The paper's original contribution is to apply the intersectional theoretical framework to the Moroccan context, focusing on a relational view of the categories. Identifying three basic social processes (role of women, crisis of masculinity and migration) allows us to expand the knowledge about this reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With digital ecosystems being questioned around the world, this paper examines the EU's role in and contribution to the emerging concept of artificial intelligence (AI) governance. Seen by the EU as the key ingredient for innovation, the adoption of AI systems has altered our understanding of governance. Framing AI as an autonomous digital technology embedded in social structures, this paper argues that EU citizens' trust in AI can be increased if the innovation it entails is grounded in a fundamental rights-based approach. This is assessed based on the work of the High-Level Expert Group on AI (which has developed a framework for trustworthy AI) and the European Commission's recently approved proposal for an Artificial Intelligence Act (taking a risk-based approach). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memories of boys and girls who migrate contain past and present experiences of countries of origin and destination, as well as experiences of movement. This paper presents the results of research that aims to identify how migrant children's memories are constructed around experiences of violence and practices of agency. From the perspective of the new social studies of childhood and based on a field study in the city of Barcelona, it shows that in various spaces violence is conditioned by a web of power relations and vectors of differentiation (ethnicity, gender, nationality, age). It concludes that these memories strain the conception of violence against children as an individual, domestic/private problem, and generate meanings that facilitate agency for such childhoods in the present, going beyond vulnerability and subordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, forced marriage as a manifestation of violence against women has entered the public agenda in European Union countries. This is partly due to higher numbers of migrants from regions where it is a regular practice. This paper aims to show the different ways violence manifests itself in forced marriage, both symbolically and practically - in terms of experiences - based on a qualitative sample of women with a range of migration backgrounds residing in Catalonia. The intersectional gender approach of the analysis enables the interaction to be considered of various factors when it comes to understanding contexts of risk and violence, as well as exit strategies from forced marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the COVID-19 pandemic, thousands of Moroccan women crossed the border between Melilla and Morocco on a daily basis to work in domestic employment, a consolidated niche sector of cross-border employment for low-skilled working-class women. When the border closed due to COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020, many decided to remain in Melilla. Following the precepts of grounded theory and using biographical interviews, the paper investigates the survival strategies these women deployed following the border closure. An ambivalent process began: on the one hand, their labour conditions worsened, exposing them to worse situations of violence; on the other, they developed strategies of resistance and agency, assuming the role of breadwinner for their families and opting for a process of emancipation through inclusion and training opportunities in the city of Melilla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the backgrounds of LGBT+ migrants living in Chile, and considers the various types of violence they experience at the intersection of vectors of differentiation: national origin, sexual orientation-gender identity and socioeconomic position, as well as markers of ethnicity and racialisation. The results show that many LGBT+ migrants leave their place of origin not only because of social and economic factors, but also due to the discrimination and violence they experience due to their sexual or gender identity, which is known as sexile. These forms of violence occur throughout their migrant experience in ways that vary but are nevertheless constant. In the context of migrant reception in Chile, the presence of these people poses a double threat to the State's hetero(cis)patriarchal order, on the one hand, and the national order, on the other, straining the conventional idea of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic to hit Africa (February-September 2020) was not particularly virulent either in terms of cases detected or lethality. However, the presence of the virus and the subsequent restrictions exacerbated pre-existing inequalities based on ethnicity, class and gender. This paper analyses the impacts of the pandemic on refugee women, who are subject to "structural vulnerability" and "multisystemic violence" in Africa. After analysing the ten African countries with the largest refugee populations, the different forms and levels of these impacts are systematised, along with the consequences and implications for refugee women in the long term, highlighting the need for strategies to be adopted towards this group at various levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an understanding of the global immigration control regime as one of legal violence. It analyses the specialist literature that reveals the existence of an economy of deportability, understood as the unequal distribution of the forms of state power in the lives and freedoms of non-nationals, with gender playing a preponderant role. Taking a gender perspective, a selection of texts from the past two decades are reviewed that analyse the deportation and anti-trafficking apparatus in Europe, the United States and South America. The literature corroborates the existence of a gendered economy of deportability that generates social suffering that, in different ways and to differing degrees, shapes the (im)migrant presence in the national order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ne consequence of Chile's socalled "estallido social" (social outburst) of October 2019 was the erosion of the hegemonic ideological canon, in other words, of neoliberalism as a paradigm of modernity. That several currents of opinion have since (re)emerged within conservative Chilean intellectual thought reflects not only this loss of ideological hegemony, but also shows an ability to react and adapt to a setting in which this belief system is under threat. This paper analyses some of these currents, taking four authors as paradigmatic examples: Axel Kaiser (liberalism), Pablo Ortúzar (corporatism), Hugo Herrera (social Christianity) and Alexis López Tapia (nationalism). Of particular interest are their readings of the nature of the outburst, the political displacements provoked, the ideological and conceptual tensions that emerged, as well as the continuities and departures in terms of social imaginaries, traditions, practices and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often assumed that anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism are related to liberal or left-wing ideological legacies. After all, numerous radical right-wing thinkers, movements and regimes supported imperialism and colonialism. However, this paper analyses and provides examples of a wide range of radical right intellectuals and movements from all over the world and across different historical periods that have held anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist positions. It also proposes a categorisation that summarises the radical right's main anti-imperialist positions, distinguishing between "principled anti-imperialism", "opportunistic anti-imperialism" and "imperialist anti-imperialism", in order to highlight the similarities and differences between these categories. It concludes, nevertheless, that this classification should be seen as a starting point for debate and complemented by future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism is a fundamental feature of the ideology of the Spanish political party Vox. This connects it with the political thought of the populist radical right (as defined by Mudde) within the wider far right family. First, this paper examines what ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism means, in theoretical terms, before going on to analyse a peculiar feature that distinguishes Vox's nativism from other European radical right parties: "ethnic Hispanicism". Finally, it studies Vox's connections with Latin America, investigating the specific conceptualisation and strategic features of the project the Spanish party calls the "Iberosphere". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascist movements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement's leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different means such as literature and the internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The far right has become a major political actor in Italy. In this light, this paper focusses on three issues: first, it shows that far-right political alternatives have been around for some time, and highlights the reasons behind their electoral growth; second, the Lega Nord's Le Pen-ist turn is analysed, along with the process by which Fratelli d'Italia was formed, following the neo-fascist tradition of the Movimento Sociale Italiano; and finally, the two parties' ideological and policy proposals are examined, showing both the changes and continuities with their origins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent electoral successes of right-wing and far-right actors in different parts of the world have prompted discussion on various topics: the causes of their rise, their characteristics and strategies, the motivations of electorates and the depth of the right-wing shifts in a range of societies. This paper proposes key themes for systematising this debate and some clues to understanding the rise of the right in such diverse and heterogeneous national realities. It also suggests recovering a constructivist conceptualisation of "authoritarian traditions" in order to analyse the mobilisation strategies, behaviour and coordination of right-wing groups from a perspective that highlights their dynamic and innovative nature. This approach allows us to (re)think authoritarianism as the result of symbolic practices and discourses that are assembled, (re)invented and updated to serve various purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fighting disinformation is a multilateral battle that deploys a range of tools: technology platforms, domestic policies, the media and verification platforms. As disinformation techniques have grown more sophisticated and the number of disruptive actors has also risen, the European Union (EU) has felt compelled to accelerate a political and regulatory process that began to take shape in 2015, when the European Council for the first time asked the European Commission to take action against what it considered a threat to democratic processes in the EU and its member states. This paper provides a critical analysis of the evolution of the strategies for fighting online disinformation within the EU framework, and of the implications of this willingness to intervene for the large digital platforms operating in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the classification of gig economy workers under European labour law has been controversial for many years, the COVID-19 pandemic made it a priority. The role of the gig economy has changed: from being an employment option that provides supplementary income, it has become many people's main income source, which is why the European Union (EU) announced its intention to address this issue. In 2021, there was intense activity around gig economy jurisprudence across Europe, with supreme courts in several member states making judgements and new laws classifying the participants in this sector of the labour market. This paper draws on three case studies - from the UK, the Netherlands and Spain - to explore recent developments in gig economy jurisprudence and to draw conclusions for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU institutions - led by the Commission, Parliament and European Council, along with the Council of the EU - are determined to make this the union's "digital decade". It is time for Europe to consolidate its digital development and set rules in line with its moral and cultural principles, instead of following those of external actors like China and the United States, as well as focussing on data, technology and infrastructure. This paper examines the EU's digital development from the perspectives and positions of the abovementioned institutions, which show divergences, albeit within a common framework. Based on three theoretical currents (neofunctionalism, federalism and intergovernmentalism), it applies a critical perspective to analyse the impact (positive and/or negative) on European citizens of the institutions' actions in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digitalisation, innovative financial services technologies and new business models hope for borderless markets. Financial technology (Fintech) is looking to be another player in this market. In order to increase the integrity of the EU common market and the size of its capital market, new legislative initiatives have been designed to level the playing field for all participants and to rethink the traditional concepts of capital flows and instruments and the risks associated with opening the capital market up to new participants. Financial services like crowdfunding platforms are transforming the services concept, while the risks associated with the digital operations of financial services place the entire digital finance world on the same level. In this context, this paper examines the EU's efforts to create a seamless legal environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 5.4 million people have fled Venezuela in the last decade, with 4.6 million arriving in Latin American and Caribbean countries. Most are refugees seeking to settle in another of the region's countries, including Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay. This paper focuses on the Venezuelan diaspora towards these countries and analyses whether these borders should be defined as open or closed, along with the forms of institutional incorporation or exclusion these people have experienced. To do this, it takes a case-by-case approach, reviewing legislation and analysing policy for each country. While Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay are all Mercosur members and signed the common residence agreement, which facilitated the movement of people, Paraguay has not created a special migration category for Venezuelan citizens, and has taken a more restrictive approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the time oil was discovered off the Ghanaian coast in 2007, the capacity of elections to encourage alternation between government by the two main political parties was already clear. This paper aims to investigate the terms in which the debates have developed around the relationship between natural resources and democracy in Ghana. Three main issues have been addressed: the capacity of democratic institutions to condition and shape the social and political effects of the oil industry in the country; the potentially perverse effects of oil extraction on democratic institutions; and the role of international actors and the international arena in forming the political economy of oil in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deepest impacts of extractivism are its spillover effects - the transformations it provokes in public policies (environmental, social and economic) and in terms of key concepts like development, politics, justice, democracy and nature. Based on a description of the cases of Tariquía National Flora and Fauna Reserve, Carrasco National Park and the Apolobamba National Natural Area of Integrated Management, this paper analyses the sequence of extractivism-related spillover effects on public policies, regulations and the operation of all Bolivia's protected areas. Particular emphasis is placed on the consequences for human rights and rights of nature, which are recognised in Bolivian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection between sociology, anthropology and law, this article analyses the various legal instruments for the protection of the natural environment in Colombia. In their application, these instruments have produced a range of conflicts, stemming from ecosystem conservation strategies, legal complexity and disregarded social realities. Based on the analysis of the situation in the Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta, the paper argues that the interaction of the different environmental protection and conservation measures is generating a tension between guaranteeing protection for human rights, people's well-being and the ecosystems themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Peruvian institutional scaffolding that favours mechanisms for dispossessing land from indigenous peoples in Peru, despite their protection by regulations that recognise them as such and their constitutional status, which imposes binding obligations. International human rights protection standards are therefore violated, along with the International Labour Organization's Convention 169 and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). It is therefore noteworthy that the Peruvian State has approved the titling of indigenous peoples' lands that are suitable for forestry "Transfer of use rights" - the main mechanism of dispossession affecting the ancestral territories of the indigenous peoples of the Peruvian jungle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a comparative study of the socio-state capacities developed during the processes of institutionalising protected natural areas (PNA) in Latin America. It sets them within a framework of their interdependence with global governance processes and in relation to the role human rights have played for these purposes. Taking an approach that combines analysis of multilevel collective action with process monitoring, this work traces the trajectories of national and multilateral institutions; analyses the main dynamics that arise in the delimitation of the protection of natural areas in the countries with the greatest biodiversity in the region; and explores the possibilities for new agreements on the global agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of internationalising the legal mobilisation that sought reparations for the mining disaster that took place in 2015 in the city of Mariana, the Doce River basin and on Brazil's southeastern coastline. It seeks to understand the dynamics produced by activating different levels of justice and the effects of internationalisation on the functioning of justice institutions at national level. Two separate patterns of internationalisation are noted: a) via the traditional human rights defence networks; and b) a new one, promoted by an international office specialised in "alternative litigation financing" (ALF), which employs arguments from environmental law and transnational legislation. The characteristics of these two patterns are examined along with their effects on the dynamics of legal mobilisation and national institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]