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The 2008 crisis marked the end of globalisation as a historical phase and hegemonic order. The end of the commodities cycle, an expression of that change in Latin America, is the context for the rise of new neo-patriotic far-right forces - nationalist, sovereigntist movements deploying distinctly anti-globalist rhetoric. Global and national structural and agency factors are examined and the paper begins with the rise of Latin American neo-patriotic right-wing movements. Analysing their foreign policy and international integration matrices shows that common elements include alignment with the United States and the contestation of multilateralism and regional institutions and norms. Finally, consideration is given to the extent to which the rise of new Latin American rightwing movements form part of a global trend or cycle of contesting the liberal international order and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, the first two decades of the 21st century have been a time of growth for women's political leadership. However, this has not been reflected in recent scientific research at regional level, which remains relatively scarce on the subject, especially when it comes to right-wing parties and movements. Based on a study of journalistic sources and the discourses of leading women on the right, this paper seeks to fill this gap by examining the trajectories of these women and the gender views expressed in their political discourses and agendas. To do this, it studies a group of Latin American women linked to or aspiring to the highest positions in executive power: Mireya Moscoso (Panama), Laura Chinchilla (Costa Rica), Gabriela Michetti (Argentina), Marta Lucía Ramírez (Colombia), Keiko Fujimori (Peru) and Evelyn Martínez Fornet (Chile). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emblematic case of the use of the discourse of democracy as a key component of identity formation strategies on the Venezuelan right. The Venezuelan opposition's identity narrative is analysed as part of its competition for hegemony following the emergence of the Chavist political project, based on interviews conducted in 2016 with Venezuelans from this part of the political spectrum. The Venezuelan case reveals that the discourse of democracy not only facilitates the coalition and mobilisation of individuals without necessarily articulating ideological references of left or right, it also helps prevent changes to the existing social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the "new" versus "old" dichotomy cannot explain the continuities and breaks between old and new right-wing political formations in Chile. The current Chilean centre-right is more complex, and its recent ideological adaptations reveal greater diversification of its internal sensibilities. A representative survey of the ruling strata of the current Chile Vamos governmental coalition reflects this. The sector's dominant sensibilities are being challenged by those who favour greater state intervention. Some of the key players in this battle are subnational authorities, which brings the territorial dispute inside the governing coalition. The novelties of this centre right is thus double-edged: from the renewal of certain value positions to a pro-state sensibility being revitalised by subnational leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature maintains that not all populisms are equal. Some are seen as projects of regeneration or democratisation because they would incorporate an excluded people; others are movements that would weaken democracy by promoting exclusion (xenophobia and racism). The former is "left-wing populism" while the latter is "right-wing populism". This paper shows that what is central to populism is its model of democracy, not whether it is situated on the right or the left. To do this, an evaluation is made of the democratic balance of populisms in three countries in Europe (Austria, France and Hungary) and three in Latin America (Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela). As will be shown, those of the right have no more contributed to the destruction of democracy than those on the left may be presented as democratising successes; but all represent a profound challenge to liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]