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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to interpret the political discourse employed in the process of integrating foreign nationals into Spain's Armed Forces (2002-2017) and collate it with a wide range of primary sources. The sources include statistics from the Spanish Ministry of Defence, legislation, opinion polls conducted by the public research institute the Centre for Sociological Research (CIS) and data series from Spain's official statistics agency (INE). The study takes a constructivist approach that seeks to uncover the implicit elements underlying the discourses of public policies, ideas and ideological concepts. It offers a view that is complemented by a historical reconstruction of the facts and an institutional analysis that combines formal elements (laws, policies and opinion polls) with informal components (non-codified practices or ideas and shared meanings). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America’s role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled “Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity”, it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway.

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a “nuanced hegemony”, in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as “differentiated hegemony”. The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries.

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is in a period of transition, marked by a weakening of multilateralism, challenges to the liberal order and the consolidation of new global leaderships. In addition, various cross-border crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have compounded the effects of these changes at a regional level. Given this context, what room is there for regional cooperation in Latin America? As a tool for regional coordination and integration into international flows and dynamics, regionalism can boast achievements, but challenges remain. In analytical terms, this paper proposes an approach that enables an examination of the combination of interests, ideas and institutions at play on a regional level in Latin America. The central argument is that the changing dynamics of regionalism are a product of the way in which states' interests interact with ideas about the region in a specific institutional environment over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to interpret the political discourse employed in the process of integrating foreign nationals into Spain’s Armed Forces (2002-2017) and collate it with a wide range of primary sources. The sources include statistics from the Spanish Ministry of Defence, legislation, opinion polls conducted by the public research institute the Centre for Sociological Research (CIS) and data series from Spain’s official statistics agency (INE). The study takes a constructivist approach that seeks to uncover the implicit elements underlying the discourses of public policies, ideas and ideological concepts. It offers a view that is complemented by a historical reconstruction of the facts and an institutional analysis that combines formal elements (laws, policies and opinion polls) with informal components (non-codified practices or ideas and shared meanings).

Ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism is a fundamental feature of the ideology of the Spanish political party Vox. This connects it with the political thought of the populist radical right (as defined by Mudde) within the wider far right family. First, this paper examines what ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism means, in theoretical terms, before going on to analyse a peculiar feature that distinguishes Vox's nativism from other European radical right parties: "ethnic Hispanicism". Finally, it studies Vox's connections with Latin America, investigating the specific conceptualisation and strategic features of the project the Spanish party calls the "Iberosphere". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 5.4 million people have fled Venezuela in the last decade, with 4.6 million arriving in Latin American and Caribbean countries. Most are refugees seeking to settle in another of the region's countries, including Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay. This paper focuses on the Venezuelan diaspora towards these countries and analyses whether these borders should be defined as open or closed, along with the forms of institutional incorporation or exclusion these people have experienced. To do this, it takes a case-by-case approach, reviewing legislation and analysing policy for each country. While Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay are all Mercosur members and signed the common residence agreement, which facilitated the movement of people, Paraguay has not created a special migration category for Venezuelan citizens, and has taken a more restrictive approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a comparative study of the socio-state capacities developed during the processes of institutionalising protected natural areas (PNA) in Latin America. It sets them within a framework of their interdependence with global governance processes and in relation to the role human rights have played for these purposes. Taking an approach that combines analysis of multilevel collective action with process monitoring, this work traces the trajectories of national and multilateral institutions; analyses the main dynamics that arise in the delimitation of the protection of natural areas in the countries with the greatest biodiversity in the region; and explores the possibilities for new agreements on the global agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences.

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an “imperialist” and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities.

In Latin America, political parties are a fundamental barrier to achieving more equal representation. This paper focuses on Ecuador, which has become a regional pioneer in the legal aspects of political equality, but whose parties nevertheless show notable resistance to implementing these regulations. The main objective is to identify the extent to which Ecuador's political parties and movements promote or impede women's participation and political representation. To this end, the work forms part of an empirical-descriptive approach that seeks to construct an index for comparing the modalities and strategies political parties implement to promote equality between men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the political paths of congresswomen in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile between 2009 and 2016. Their trajectories are classified according to their previous experience and the territorial levels at which they won elections before entering congress, and includes both novices and professionals. The professionals had prior political experience at either national or subnational level, with some having won re-election. Despite the countries' differing institutional structures, the vast majority held their first political position at national level - in congress (novices). Among the professionals, most of them in Chile, Ecuador and Peru began their careers at national level, while in Colombia and Bolivia they began at subnational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the perceptions of the parliamentary elites in 17 Latin American countries on moral and gender issues through surveys conducted between 2012 and 2019. In particular, it analyses opinions on inequality between men and women, public policies to reduce it, the possibility of building a career within the party, and abortion and same-sex marriage. The analysis shows the differences between countries and whether gender, party ideology and age variables help explain the answers. The findings suggest that in many countries gender is a factor in explaining the differing opinions on the inequality between men and women and, to a lesser extent, same-sex marriage. Ideology is the variable that influences the perception of the other three issues. The conclusions reflect on programmatic and descriptive representation for each topic and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the role of supreme courts of justice in some of the recent removals from office of progressive "pink tide" Latin American presidents and governments where so-called "new right" governments have taken power. It shows the composition of the supreme courts to be a decisive factor in removing these governments from power. The core hypothesis is that the judiciary may have served as a body for legitimating interruption and dismissal processes led by the legislature in contexts of institutional paralysis (or conflict with the executive branch). To demonstrate this, the case of Brazil is analysed and specifically the role played by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) in the dismissals of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, the first two decades of the 21st century have been a time of growth for women's political leadership. However, this has not been reflected in recent scientific research at regional level, which remains relatively scarce on the subject, especially when it comes to right-wing parties and movements. Based on a study of journalistic sources and the discourses of leading women on the right, this paper seeks to fill this gap by examining the trajectories of these women and the gender views expressed in their political discourses and agendas. To do this, it studies a group of Latin American women linked to or aspiring to the highest positions in executive power: Mireya Moscoso (Panama), Laura Chinchilla (Costa Rica), Gabriela Michetti (Argentina), Marta Lucía Ramírez (Colombia), Keiko Fujimori (Peru) and Evelyn Martínez Fornet (Chile). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 crisis marked the end of globalisation as a historical phase and hegemonic order. The end of the commodities cycle, an expression of that change in Latin America, is the context for the rise of new neo-patriotic far-right forces - nationalist, sovereigntist movements deploying distinctly anti-globalist rhetoric. Global and national structural and agency factors are examined and the paper begins with the rise of Latin American neo-patriotic right-wing movements. Analysing their foreign policy and international integration matrices shows that common elements include alignment with the United States and the contestation of multilateralism and regional institutions and norms. Finally, consideration is given to the extent to which the rise of new Latin American rightwing movements form part of a global trend or cycle of contesting the liberal international order and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of who owns large companies and how they are organised is overdue in the study of Latin American elites, especially at transnational level. It is a limitation that has hampered debates on the emergence of transnational business elites in the region. This paper identifies the owners of the largest companies in Latin America and analyses the networks they form. The results reveal the formation of an interlocking ownership network between a small number of transnational owners, most of whom are financial corporations in the United States and Europe. These findings allow us to discuss regional integration and the dominance of economic models imported from those territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines China-Latin America relations through the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in the 2011-2018 period. In this context, the main perspectives on integration and regionalism are discussed, and CELAC is shown to possess the characteristics of a regional body. It is proposed that the relationship China seeks through this body can be explained by its interest in institutionalising a mechanism for rapprochement with Latin America and the Caribbean. It is noted that CELAC is seen by China as a strategic vehicle that allows it to engage bilaterally with various countries and develop an economic strategy under structurally asymmetric conditions. However, its institutional nature has prevented it from serving these interests. As per the methodology, documentary and qualitative data analysis is made using the systematisation of an unpublished database. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sectarian readings explain the conflicts in the Middle East through religious variables. This paper criticises their reproduction in Latin American international relations, which draw on the epistemological and ontological assumptions of hegemonic/Western approaches to international relations. This is not inconsequential, as it constitutes an identity politics that simultaneously constructs Western identity and reaffirms and perpetuates prejudices that "other" the Middle East. From Latin America, such readings form part of peripheral Orientalism and produce subjectivity effects that distance the Latin American region from the Global South, as well as consolidating their marginal position in global power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature maintains that not all populisms are equal. Some are seen as projects of regeneration or democratisation because they would incorporate an excluded people; others are movements that would weaken democracy by promoting exclusion (xenophobia and racism). The former is "left-wing populism" while the latter is "right-wing populism". This paper shows that what is central to populism is its model of democracy, not whether it is situated on the right or the left. To do this, an evaluation is made of the democratic balance of populisms in three countries in Europe (Austria, France and Hungary) and three in Latin America (Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela). As will be shown, those of the right have no more contributed to the destruction of democracy than those on the left may be presented as democratising successes; but all represent a profound challenge to liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism is a fundamental feature of the ideology of the Spanish political party Vox. This connects it with the political thought of the populist radical right (as defined by Mudde) within the wider far right family. First, this paper examines what ethnic nationalism or ethnonationalism means, in theoretical terms, before going on to analyse a peculiar feature that distinguishes Vox’s nativism from other European radical right parties: “ethnic Hispanicism”. Finally, it studies Vox’s connections with Latin America, investigating the specific conceptualisation and strategic features of the project the Spanish party calls the “Iberosphere”.

Over 5.4 million people have fled Venezuela in the last decade, with 4.6 million arriving in Latin American and Caribbean countries. Most are refugees seeking to settle in another of the region’s countries, including Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay. This paper focuses on the Venezuelan diaspora towards these countries and analyses whether these borders should be defined as open or closed, along with the forms of institutional incorporation or exclusion these people have experienced. To do this, it takes a case-by-case approach, reviewing legislation and analysing policy for each country. While Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay are all Mercosur members and signed the common residence agreement, which facilitated the movement of people, Paraguay has not created a special migration category for Venezuelan citizens, and has taken a more restrictive approach.

The paper explores the perceptions of the parliamentary elites in 17 Latin American countries on moral and gender issues through surveys conducted between 2012 and 2019. In particular, it analyses opinions on inequality between men and women, public policies to reduce it, the possibility of building a career within the party, and abortion and same-sex marriage. The analysis shows the differences between countries and whether gender, party ideology and age variables help explain the answers. The findings suggest that in many countries gender is a factor in explaining the differing opinions on the inequality between men and women and, to a lesser extent, same-sex marriage. The data also lead us to believe that ideology is the variable that influences the perception of the other three issues. The conclusions reflect on programmatic and descriptive representation for each topic and country.

This paper analyses the political paths of congresswomen in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile between 2009 and 2016. Their trajectories are classified according to their previous experience and the territorial levels at which they won elections before entering congress, and includes both novices and professionals. The professionals had prior political experience at either national or subnational level, with some having won re-election (incumbents). Despite the countries’ differing institutional structures, the vast majority held their first political position at national level – in congress (novices). Of the professionals and incumbents, most congresswomen in Chile, Ecuador and Peru began their careers at national level, while in Colombia and Bolivia they began at subnational level.

In Latin America, political parties are a fundamental barrier to achieving more equal representation. This paper focuses on Ecuador, which has become a regional pioneer in the legal aspects of political equality, but whose parties nevertheless show notable resistance to implementing these regulations. The main objective is to identify the extent to which Ecuador's political parties and movements promote or impede women's participation and political representation. To this end, the work takes an empirical–descriptive approach that seeks to construct an index for comparing the modalities and strategies political parties implement to promote equality between men and women.

The 2008 crisis marked the end of globalisation as a historical phase and hegemonic order. The end of the commodities cycle, an expression of that change in Latin America, is the context for the rise of new neo-patriotic far-right forces – nationalist, sovereigntist movements deploying distinctly anti-globalist rhetoric. Global and national structural and agency factors are examined and the paper begins with the rise of Latin American neo-patriotic right-wing movements. Analysing their foreign policy and international integration matrices shows that common elements include alignment with the United States and the contestation of multilateralism and regional institutions and norms. Finally, consideration is given to the extent to which the rise of new Latin American right-wing movements form part of a global trend or cycle of contesting the liberal international order and globalisation.

In Latin America, the first two decades of the 21st century have been a time of growth for women's political leadership. However, this has not been reflected in recent scientific research at regional level, which remains relatively scarce on the subject, especially when it comes to right-wing parties and movements. Based on a study of journalistic sources and the discourses of leading women on the right, this paper seeks to fill this gap by examining the trajectories of these women and the gender views expressed in their political discourses and agendas. To do this, it studies a group of Latin American women linked to or aspiring to the highest positions in executive power: Mireya Moscoso (Panama), Laura Chinchilla (Costa Rica), Gabriela Michetti (Argentina), Marta Lucía Ramírez (Colombia), Keiko Fujimori (Peru) and Evelyn Martínez Fornet (Chile).

This paper aims to analyse the role of supreme courts of justice in some of the recent removals from office of progressive “pink tide” Latin American presidents and governments where so-called “new right” governments have taken power. It shows the composition of the supreme courts to be a decisive factor in removing these governments from power. The core hypothesis is that the judiciary may have served as a body for legitimating interruption and dismissal processes led by the legislature in contexts of institutional paralysis (or conflict with the executive branch). To demonstrate this, the case of Brazil is analysed and specifically the role played by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) in the dismissals of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff.

An analysis of who owns large companies and how they are organised is overdue in the study of Latin American elites, especially at transnational level. It is a limitation that has hampered debates on the emergence of transnational business elites in the region. This paper identifies the owners of the largest companies in Latin America and analyses the networks they form. The results reveal the formation of an interlocking ownership network between a small number of transnational owners, most of whom are financial corporations in the United States and Europe. These findings allow us to discuss regional integration and the dominance of economic models imported from those territories.

This paper examines China-Latin America relations through the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in the 2011-2018 period. In this context, the main perspectives on integration and regionalism are discussed, and CELAC is shown to possess the characteristics of a regional body. It is proposed that the relationship China seeks through this body can be explained by its interest in institutionalising a mechanism for rapprochement with Latin America and the Caribbean. It is noted that CELAC is seen by China as a strategic vehicle that allows it to engage bilaterally with various countries and develop an economic strategy under structurally asymmetric conditions. However, its institutional nature has prevented it from serving these interests. As per the methodology, documentary and qualitative data analysis is made using the systematisation of an unpublished database.