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Bolsonaro was elected in 2018 with a very conservative political agenda, promising neoliberal economic measures, and opposing to minority's rights. Bolsonaro has been well-known as a right-wing and authoritarian politician and his government is recognised as extreme right, conservative, and/or neo-fascist, with important setbacks in public policies. The "bolsonarismo" shall be defeated, but the electoral process will not be easy, with fake news and political violence. The open threats to democracy are leading to alliances of democratic and popular political forces, including agrarian and urban social movements. This article reflects critically about Bolsonaro administration, particularly the dismantling of public policies and programmes to the countryside, reflecting about the political actions of the agrarian movements in the 2022 electoral process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second edition of this dossier, contains the set of texts resulting from works presented during the l Latin American Meeting of Sociospatial Movements and Socioterritorial Movements (I ELAMSS) and as well as the works that later answered the call to continue the debate on the geographical reading of movements social. In addition to containing some of the works presented at the event and those approved in the selection process for the Revista NERA edict, we have included photographic memoirs that address, in a different language, the struggle and resistance processes of socio-territorial and socio-spatial movements in some countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. As well as the first part of the dossier, the publication allows the reader to learn about central themes that emerged from the debates MOVIMENTOS SOCIOESPACIAIS E MOVIMENTOS SOCIOTERRITORIAIS DA AMÉRICA LATINA: EDITORIAL DOSSIÊ I ENCONTRO ENCONTRO LATINO-AMERICANO DE MOVIMENTOS SOCIOESPACIAIS E MOVIMENTOS SOCIOTERRITORIAIS (I ELAMSS)that were developed at the I ELAMSS and the works of researchers from Brazil and other Latin American and Caribbean countries, they emphasize a richness reading of the territorial forms that the processes of struggle and resistance in a context of deep repression. In this context, the struggle for land, the agroecological production and the struggle of the LGBTIQIAP+ community stand out, addressed by the authors from the geographical theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are space and territory important to social movements and how do they produce them? Despite the always apparent centrality of space and territory, mediated and appropriated by social movements around the world (for example: camps, protests, land occupations, indigenous resistance, occupations of land and buildings in urban areas, neighborhood organization and struggles for environmental issues, for education, health, food and other public policies, women's activism, LGBTQIA+, feminists, students, etc.), there has been a surprising lack of attention to this issue by scholars from various fields of knowledge, for example, English-speaking geographers. This article advances the reflection on the actions of socio-territorial movements as an analytical category whose central objective is to analyze the mediation of space and appropriation of territory. We contrasted the concepts of socio-territorial movement, social movement and sociospatial movement in four axes of analysis. First, how space and territory are produced as a central strategy for the achievement of a movement's objectives. Second, space and territory produce the identities of movements, in their actions, generating new political subjectivities. Third, space and territory are places of political socialization that produce new values and change circumstances. Fourth, through processes of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization, movements can create new institutions. These axes are subsequently elaborated through the comparative analysis of two case studies: the Movement of Landless Rural Workers, a peasant movement organized in all regions of Brazil, and the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization, an urban movement in northwestern Argentina. The comparison is made as an expansive way of analysis to open up the concept of socio-territorial movement and indicate potential lines of investigation for studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze the paths and contemporary dynamics of rural producers and landowners of Brazilian origin in Paraguay, seeking to understand their logic and the current situation in terms of land control and tenure. For this purpose, a bibliographic review, analysis of statistical data and semi-structured interviews were carried out with 56 producers/rural landowners of Brazilian origin who are or have been in Paraguay. As a result of the research, it was identified that there are currently at least five different movements: i) producers who arrived in the second half of the 20th century and who remain in the same region in Paraguay; ii) producers and/or descendants who arrived in the country in the same period and in the last few years they have moved inland; iii) actors who arrived in the country more recently, investing in agricultural production and/or land acquisition; iv) producers who chose to hold land in both Paraguay and Brazil; v) rural producers who, for different reasons, return to Brazil. Therefore, there are different paths, movements and dynamics of this social group in relation to land in Paraguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to analyze socio-territorial transformations in course in the Nacala Corridor and in the Brazilian Cerrado, with ProSAVANA and MATOPIBA, respectively, being as objects of analysis. Both territories the Nacala Corridor and Brazilian cerrado, are embedded in a game of geopolitical interest in commodities, catalysed by the 2007/8 food price crisis. These regions institutionalized by the States show that it is a well-reshaped strategy of international division of labor. Both programs contain elements of PRODECER, since they were only recovered, updated and reissued. The speech that these programs aim to improve the living conditions of local people is just a rhetoric. In both programs the role of Japan is clear and this only reveals that commodity production in both countries is compromised by Asian market. The struggles and resistance against these programs are visible in these countries, for while in Mozambique the peasants and social movements say "No to ProSAVANA", in Brazil they say "No to MATOPIBA". However, there is a need of unity by social movements of both Mozambique and Brazil in order to maintain the struggles and resistance against the looting of these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyze the conflicts and contradictions in the territorial expansion of agribusiness globalized in MATOPIBA, considered the newest agricultural frontier in Brazil. For this, a survey of documents on MATOPIBA was carried out in information vehicles, such as governmental and non-governmental bodies, and entities linked to social movements. The collection was performed with the descriptor MATOPIBA, from 2017 to 2018, and selected 201 documents. The categorization was carried out through content analysis, with the creation of two thematic axes: Axis 1: The expansion of agribusiness. Axis 2: Conflicts and resistances of traditional populations. On the one hand, agribusiness finds in MATOPIBA the environmental and social conditions for the territorial expansion of capital in its neoliberal phase, with the articulation of logics of production/accumulation of multinationals to the pension funds that invest and and, on the other hand, traditional populations struggle against violence, killings, and the depletion of their resources. Despite the pressure on several traditional territories, as well as human rights violations, various groups are facing the exclusionary logic of agribusiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reservoir of Brazil's Belo Monte Dam was filled in December 2015. The dam's planning, licensing and construction had rolled inexorably forward despite opposition from local victims of this development and from a wide array of other actors. Logical, legal and ethical arguments had less effect than the political and business forces prioritizing the dam. Part of the environmental destruction and human-rights violation at Belo Monte was apparently financed by taxpayers in North America and Europe with funds passed through Brazil's National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) from development policy loans (DPLs) to Brazil by the World Bank. This opens the opportunity for World Bank reforms to eliminate loopholes allowing funding through financial intermediaries. The human and environmental cost of Belo Monte should also give pause to governments and financial institutions in promoting dams as their primary response to energy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to be a further contribution to the discussion on the theme of social movements in Geography, from the perspective of proposing views on the construction and action of social movements in Brazil, but also understand how such social practices contributed to the production of the brazilian Geography in the last thirty years regarding to its objects and theoretical and methodological practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of construction of the Education for the Countryside project in Brazil, country schools have played a key role. From the struggles of peasants and the landless as well as associated social movements, non-governmental organizations and public universities committed to transforming education, several political and legal achievements have advanced the cause of instituting new educational policies that favor the campaign to implant a school system that values rural society. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the Political and Pedagogical Projects of country schools in order to evaluate their approach to key subjects such as: land and labor, identity, struggles, rural representative organizations, sustainable development and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By scrutinizing the social movement of workers held in Fernandópolis-SP in June 1949, we explore the historical process of criminalization of the movement and other social movements in Brazil, as well as disputes on the social process of building memories about the experiences of these workers and their social land struggle movements. This historical process experienced by workers in the northwestern region of São Paulo was related to experienced circumstances, involving pressure and exploitation of the plantation, the organization of various social movements, the politic struggle, political repression and police DOPS. The experience of social workers to discuss possible land question in the past and in contemporary times, it is significant that several subjects attribute relationship between the "communist uprising" of 1949 in Fernandópolis and the struggles of the landless of the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to discuss the ways in which the struggle for land and agrarian reform was built by farmers of the settlement 10 de Abril, located in the municipality of Crato, southern Ceará. The work shows how the history of the community of Caldeirão da Santa Cruz do Deserto, destroyed by Ceará State Government in 1936, worked as a reference struggle that, when remindful organized in 1991 by farmers, has created a political fact which led the processes of territorial conquest and the first rural settlement of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the debate about the conceptualization of the agribusiness has surpassed the plan instrumental and assumed a more advanced theoretical character when pointing out the agribusiness as promotional activity of important economical, cultural, political and spatial transformations. The result of this way is that today we can consider the agribusiness as a true meta-meta-concept. In the present text we intend theoretically to contribute in the briefing of the relation between agribusiness and ideology detaching the main debates on the ideology concept and as the agribusiness constructed a discursive-ideological apparatus that impact directly in the Brazilian socio-spatial dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoliberalism and other aspects of globalization that impacted negatively on the masses in Latin America caused the popular classes to reevaluate their participation in traditional parties and politics that did not empower them. Starting with the 1989 uprising in Caracas new movements began to form and grow as manifest in the V Republic Movement in Venezuela, the Zapatistas in Mexico and the indigenous movements in Ecuador (CONAIE) and Bolivia (Cocaleros and peasant federations). The Landless Movement in Brazil (MST) - the largest of the new social movements represents their potential as well as their limitations as manifest in the way Lula's Labor Party has not achieved the thoroughgoing land reform the MST has called for and has instead sided with export oriented agribusiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the vast literature on "new social movements" misrepresents the historicity of identity-based organization in Latin America. Such organizing is indeed much older than the literature suggests. To prove this argument, I provide a genealogy of black, identity-based organizing in Brazil. This genealogy makes clear that black organizing started when Africans first arrived in Brazil. To explain the ebbs and flows of this organizing, the theoretical frameworks of Sidney Tarrow and Susan Epstein, who focus on political opportunities and changing repertoires, respectively, prove to be more useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of Acre, federal governmental institutions, the Chico Mendes Committee, representatives of the rural syndicalism and the Rede Globo TV had in 2008 the initiative to celebrate through several events "Twenty Years without Chico Mendes". The different announced exhibitions pretended to crown in "high style" a monumental transmutation of the revolutionary legacy of one of the principal leaderships of the rural syndicalism in Brazilian Amazon converted in insignificant "environmentalist". The objective of this paper is to show that this transmutation was skillfully articulated by the State (in wide conception) in an attempt of re-signifying nature and culture in order to legitimate the ideology of "sustainable development" to facilitate the process of spoliation already ongoing in the Amazon. In the conclusions we demonstrate that after two decades of apparently success, this strategy begins to show signs of collapse and there are evidences of some social movements, like Via Campesina, who are re-taking the "voice" of control in the region. The approach of this work is referenced in the historic comparative method and in the analysis of social process and phenomena connected to the international environmentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyse the land policy carried out by the Popular Front (Frente Popular) government in the State of Rio Grande do Sul - Brazil, by taking into account its guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle between social actors in rural areas and the general results obtained. The unprecedented character of this government is due to the fact that it was sustained and supported by a coalition of left-wing parties and by a set of social movements and union organisations from the countryside, which was determinant in the presentation of a programme opposing the neo-liberal policies in force at national level. For this reason, this government committed itself to adopt a land policy of its own, opposing the agrarian reform market programme defended by the Cardoso government at national level. The results presented throughout the article reveal that, despite the assumed commitments, and in view of the existing legal, institutional, economic and political limitations, the room for action by state governments can only be conceived as a complement to the federal government actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]