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This paper intends to delineate a syntactic derivation for verbal agreement in Brazilian Sign Language. More specifically, we analyze regular agreement verbs and backward agreement verbs. Following the recent framework of the Generative Theory concerning this topic (CHOMSKY, 2000, 2001; MYIAGAWA, 2010; WOOLFORD, 2006; BAKER, 2008; BITTNER AND HALE, 1996; and others), we claim that sentences with a regular agreement verb show a nominative agreement pattern, in which the subject bears nominative Case and the object bears accusative Case. On the other hand, sentences with a backward agreement verb show an ergative agreement pattern, in which the subject receives inherent ergative Case and the object bears nominative Case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at examining the antipassive constructions in the Tenetehára language (Tupí-Guaraní). Transitive verbs, which receive the morpheme {puru-}, exhibit the following grammatical properties: (i) they appear in an intransitive structure and (ii) the abstract Case of the internal argument is not valued by little v, but by means of the functional posposition -ehe. Assuming a minimalist approach, we will posit that, even though the vP of the antipassive construction selects an external argument, its head is not able to value accusative Case to the internal argument, which is thus dependent on the posposition -ehe to receive an inherent oblique Case. Furthermore, it is assumed that the external argument has to move to a specifier of a higher vP in the tree, whose head is morphologically realized by the verb {-wer} "want". Thus the external argument triggers an AGREE operation with the φ-features of this head, a situation that explains the emergence of the absolutive agreement pattern in the antipassive constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]