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In Canada, Australia, and New Zealand - all of which were once loyal dominions in an indivisible British Empire - what might be the chances of successful moves to ditch archaic feudal symbols and create new republican institutions and symbols as this twenty-first century unfolds? When the Crown research project began the author thought New Zealand would not be at the forefront of constitutional change towards a republican constitution. This paper identifies some of the reasons for that view, including the special relationships between Māori and the Crown. It identifies the significant legal and political difficulties facing those seeking to achieve constitutional reform on the Queen’s position as the head of state in either Australia or Canada. It concludes, therefore, that New Zealand could be at the forefront of Commonwealth postcolonial settler states transitioning to a new constitutional order. The paper also argues for the importance of abolishing royal prerogative powers and better defining government’s accountability for exercises of state power, even if moves towards a republic are not imminent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Beaumont Hamel Newfoundland Memorial is a 16.5 hectare (40 acre) tract of preserved battleground dedicated primarily to the memory of the 1st Newfoundland Regiment, who suffered an extremely high percentage of casualties during the first day of the Battle of the Somme in July 1916. Beaumont Hamel Memorial is a complex landscape of commemoration where Newfoundland, Canadian, Scottish and British imperial associations compete for prominence. A previous paper argued that those who chose the site of the Park, and subsequently reordered its topography, helped to contrive a particular historical narrative that prioritized certain memories over others (Gough, 2004). This argument focused on the premeditated redesign of the 'park' after the Great War, and then again in the early 1960s. Since the publication of the paper the soaring popularity of battlefield tours and visits has placed an intolerable strain on the very land that many regard as sacred and hallowed. A land that took decades to recover and reclaim from violation is now being threatened again both by developers and by crowds of tourists. As a result, measures have been taken to restrict access and control roaming rights. This paper will revisit the original arguments and examine the many tensions that have arisen in one of the most popular destinations on the old battle front. Reflecting on the recent dispute, the paper will explore issues of historical accuracy, topographical legibility, freedom of access, and assumed ownership. It will also try to understand the recent disputes as examples of borrowed 'entitlement' and a resistance (by some British visitors) to recognizing the historic value of Canadian (or more specifically, Newfoundland) heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The central argument of this paper is that Canada has played an instrumental role in the development process of Bangladesh since independence in 1971. Even though Canadian aid is not as political as that of other donors, it originated from Canadian national interest, in order to gain influence over Bangladesh and access to its market for Canadian products. Apart from this, although Canadian aid is directed towards poverty reduction, in Bangladesh it has not made any significant breakthroughs in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and Canada have been active participants in international climate change negotiations since the early 1990s and have often shared negotiating positions. This paper discusses why, in spite of considerable similarities in national circumstances, the Canadian government chose to ratify the Kyoto Protocol in 2002, while the Australian government decided against doing so. It is argued that a range of factors led to a narrower conception of the national interest in the case of Australia, which encouraged a focus on the short-term, economic costs of implementing the Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For sixty years, the phrase ‘North Atlantic triangle’ has been employed by Canadian scholars to describe the relations of Canada, Britain and the USA. That image was a product of its time and its originator's perspective, with particular relevance to an understanding of Canada's international relations in the Second World War and its aftermath. This paper weighs the evidence for and against the existence of a triangular relationship in the 1940s and it concludes that the geometric form conveyed an incomplete understanding at the time and it has even less relevance since then. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on events surrounding the Ottawa mission led by Lord Riverdale. Between October and December 1939 the mission met the Canadian Prime Minister William Mackenzie King, his Cabinet and a number of Dominion representatives, its goal to agree on arrangements for the British Empire Air Training Scheme (EATS). This plan would ultimately play a vital role in the British and Dominion war effort, training over 100 000 men for air duties in a variety of theatres of conflict. But, although the negotiations were hailed at their conclusion as having been a great success, the reality was that they were dominated by considerable tensions not just among those present but also between elements within Whitehall and the Canadian leadership. On repeated occasions it appeared that the talks might even collapse and at one stage a constitutional crisis loomed. Far from the success that has since been portrayed to have been the case, the negotiations in fact demonstrated that considerable potential problems existed with regard to the wartime Anglo-Dominion relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on about the ruling of Great Britain's Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO) dismissing almost all of complaints filed by British barrister Patricia Scotland over articles in the "Daily Mail," "Mail on Sunday," and "Mail Online" alleging that the Commonwealth secretary-general spent lavishly in the refurbishment of her Mayfair townhouse. Other information on IPSO's first ruling is presented.

Canada and Australia, as Westminster parliamentary federal systems, share many institutional similarities. However, there are key divergences in the exercise of institutional practices within their judiciaries and legislatures. In spite of these divergences, there has been a policy convergence in the area of same-sex unions. The causes of this convergence are twofold: first, the institutional arrangements under federalism provided the mechanisms for addressing same-sex unions; and second, it was the constituent units that utilised these institutional mechanisms in order to pursue the recognition of same-sex unions. Both the constituent units within Canada and Australia generated an ‘upward’ pressure on their respective federal governments (specifically the legislatures) to address the question of same-sex marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Prime Minister Jean Chretien considered his decision to keep Canada out of the Iraq War of 2003 as the best of his tenure. That move challenges the previous record of Canada's participation in war with the two Commonwealth countries to which it is most often compared, Australia and the United Kingdom; it was also an apparent departure in relations with the United States. This article, in its first section, argues that the 'decision' was belated and incoherent, and also, relatedly, one that lacked sufficient grounding in Canadian foreign policy traditions. The article hypothesizes in its second section on foreign policy options, arguing further that the Canadian government was unconstrained by expectations of the United States but also that it could have made an essentially cost-free decision, and one tied into a defensible interpretation of Canadian foreign policy traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has long been a major player in the Commonwealth. This essay will assert that Canada has the ability and opportunity to redefine its place in this organization and assume a greater leadership role. Reviewing Canada's involvement within the official and unofficial institutions of the Commonwealth is the basis for an examination of the role played by this multilateral organization in Canada's foreign policy. A discussion of the costs and benefits of Commonwealth membership generates some recommendations. Given Canada's pursuit of an avowedly stronger international presence since 2003, the perception that it has been a model nation in managing a diverse society, and its active role in responding to failed and fragile states (especially in Haiti and Afghanistan), there is an opportunity for Canada to seek an even greater leadership role within the Commonwealth, although to be successful this expression must be backed by the necessary domestic public support that can be translated into political will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A high degree of consonance exists between officials designing Canadian foreign aid and the political elites of African countries. Both share a commitment to Official Development Assistance and both articulate the identical basket of values underlying current aid policies. These shared values, however, lack resonance once one moves closer to the ground within the current African condition. Drawing on field research in the East African country of Kenya, the distance between the value rhetoric of officials/leadership and the actual situation is addressed. The distance is so great as to undermine the credibility of both aid policies and of those who propagate them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian foreign policy has often been described in terms of 'middle power' status. But this description has always been problematic, and changes in the international climate now make a new paradigm necessary. The author discusses other foreign policy vocations, including the 'soft power' approach, and a purely regional destiny. She concludes by emphasizing the strength of internationalism in Canada, and of factors compelling the country to stake out a distinctive role in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Canada had been a keen supporter of, and a contributor to, the United Nations' early peacekeeping operations, she was at first most reluctant to get involved in the Force which the Security Council decided in March 1964 should be sent to Cyprus. Then, overnight, she became a zealous advocate of participation. These disparate responses seem strange. It is suggested that the explanation for her reluctance lies chiefly in the changing political scene in Canada, which made her anxious to distance herself somewhat from Britain—who was urgently seeking peacekeeping help in Cyprus. As to the second part of this mystery, it is argued that the explanation lies in the decision of the External Affairs Minister, Paul Martin, to put his personal imprint on the situation. A further mystery lies in the fact that the first Canadian contingent sent to Cyprus favoured a tougher approach to its role than the UN's Force Headquarters deemed appropriate for a peacekeeping body. The writer has no explanation for the contingent having taken that line. As to the 'mistake', it is argued that this lies in the widespread belief that Canada—and Martin in particular—was chiefly responsible for breaking the logjam which was holding up the creation of the Force. Canada did indeed accelerate its creation by a day. But it is claimed that the credit for getting the Force on the ground lies primarily with Finland, and secondarily with Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]