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The rise of neo‐populist parties in Western countries is a current issue in social sciences. Over the past two decades, and with increasing emphasis in recent years, a notable body of research has been preoccupied with explaining the complex relationship between populism and places. This paper fits in this literature and is aimed at verifying the role played by territorial inequalities and the urban‐rural divide on voting preferences in Italy. Through a detailed statistical analysis carried out at the municipal scale, we hereby compare recent trends in national (2013, 2018) and European (2019) Elections with socioeconomic and demographic data to shed light on the drivers of political change. In particular, we focus on the two main Italian parties labeled as populist: the Lega and the Movimento 5 Stelle. Analyses show that support for such parties is only partially related to rural areas, territorial inequalities, and place peripherality, highlighting the need for a more comprehensive explanation of the neo‐populist surge. Accordingly, we argue that besides demand‐side factors, other supply‐side ones should be considered, especially in Italy, where electoral behaviors are embedded in diverse local geopolitical histories that still play an important role in orienting voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has often used the term "populism" as a sensitizing concept to inquire the increasing relevance of right‐wing political organizations in Western countries, specifically in rural areas and marginalized territories (e.g., deindustrialized districts). The spread of populism appears as a consequence of the multidimensional failure of globalized neoliberal capitalist promises of prosperity. In this frame, the current climate agenda is challenged because it is perceived as a source of socio‐territorial marginalization and depletion. Local oppositions against green facilities in rural areas and right‐populist political forces seem to converge in a common discursive frame. The paper proposes some considerations on the "energy populism" by exploring the phenomenon in France (in Occitanie) and Italy (in Basilicata). The comparison allows us to discuss and problematize the possible links between the reception of renewable policies in rural areas and the attempt of populist movements to become spokesmen for local resistance. The main hypothesis is that the sense of dispossession and non‐involvement perceived by the rural population on renewables finds in the populist rhetoric a coherent and effective discursive framework to represent their issues. However, research suggests that the link between local opposition to renewables and populist organizations is weak and instrumental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to identify how rural digitalization influences social innovation in the context of the Global South. Using qualitative research methods, we examine two cases of digitalization in rural areas in Indonesia, which represent differing types of digital technologies and economic activities. Our findings show that the use of digital technologies in livelihood strategies stimulates new social and institutional practices in rural areas. As digital technologies that are adopted differ in both cases, the complexity of adoption and the digital literacy and skills required also vary. Such a complexity generates challenges and hardships for the community, but at the same time, it provides room for expedited learning and urges them to fight the challenges collectively. This nurtures reflexivity between agents and stimulates the legitimation of new practices regarding the adoption of digital technologies and their ability to solve social problems. Cultural values clearly play an essential role in this process. Openness and courage to change facilitate agents to build legitimacy, whereas strong cultural values tend to maintain existing practices in a community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sparsely populated rural areas are susceptible to high levels of error in their data, making it difficult to examine patterns and trends across geographies. This article aims to advance research methods for rural researchers by offering guidelines for navigating high levels of error associated with the American Community Survey (ACS). The ACS presents a useful source of U.S. community level data for rural researchers to utilize in school–community research but not without its difficulties. The small population sizes of rural communities often translate to large margins of error in the data, presenting a degree of uncertainty in the actual measure. To illustrate challenges and best practice, the author conducts a case study of the relationship between the presence of schools and economic vitality of rural communities in Indiana using ACS data. The author demonstrates how to examine the error in the data, introduces options to reduce uncertainty, and ultimately, explains how to move forward with the data, working with the margin of error and acknowledging its presence in the analysis and results. This article offers suggestions and techniques to assist rural researchers in navigating ACS obstacles so that they might produce transparent results with as little uncertainty as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even as the 2016 elections brought increased public attention to rural life, stereotypes and misconceptions abound. One of these misperceptions is the generalization that prices are lower in rural areas. This article is a restudy of Zimmerman, Ham, and Frank (2008) research on geographic differences in the costs of living. Asking the same fundamental question—if someone bought the same thing in a rural and urban area, would they pay the same price?—and using the same methodology, the results 10 years later indicate that, contrary to popular perception, there was again no consistent pattern of lower prices in rural counties and no consistent pattern of a lower rural cost of living in all of the rural areas. While prices are only one piece of the larger picture of how rural households meet their needs, in addition to price differences, the results highlight how differences in rural life create additional costs that extend beyond prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to analyze inhabitants' perceptions vis‐a‐vis the actual demographic, economic, functional, and land use transformation taking place in the peripheral area of Kłodzko County in the Sudetes Mountains in southwestern Poland. Recently, new socio‐economic processes can be observed in the region, suggesting a revival after a period of stagnation. It employs qualitative data from semi‐structured interviews and observation, and quantitative data from an online survey. Findings on inhabitants' perception are discussed against evidence from diverse statistical databases based on the literature. Results show that changes to physical built environment are most perceived, but tourism is seen as the main positive driver. The most acute negative change is depopulation, which is also considered to have a damaging effect on the transformation. The results show some disparities in perceptions across different socio‐demographic and spatially defined categories of inhabitants, as well as ambiguity of assessment of rural transformations that are interpreted in relation to the socio‐economic context of interviewees. The study contributes to discussion on perceived and actual change in rural areas by pointing to patterns of perception. It provides social feedback on changes and depicts collective attitudes towards rural revival—knowledge that is necessary to formulate policies tailored to site‐specific preconditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most significant political fact of the latest elections within the European Union is the growth, in all states, of right‐wing "populist" political formations. Alongside this, one of the most relevant aspects is the significant share of support that these "parties" have in suburban, peripheral and rural areas. Starting from this premise, the first part of the article aims to discuss the relevance of the rural‐urban dichotomy and how territorial differences are an important factor in the growth of right‐wing populism. The second part proposes a comparative analysis of the political trends recorded in recent years in two economically advanced European regions: Auvergne‐Rhône‐Alpes (France) and Lombardia (Italy). The analysis of the official results of the 2019 European elections and of the previous elections in the two regions, shows the entrenchment in rural areas of the consensus for right‐wing populist formations (Lega and Rassemblement National) but also the presence of different discourses and political strategies, which reveal the different nuances that rural populism can take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors take up the thesis of the narrative that the support for right‐wing populist election successes is located in rural areas. For the case of the German right‐wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) the authors propose a complex definition of rurality, and perform a quantitative small‐scale analysis of the national election results in Germany in 2017. They examine the potential connection between a high share of votes for the AfD and the rurality of a municipality. The results show that in eastern Germany, the fairly rural municipalities have comparatively high AfD vote shares, whereas in western Germany, the fairly rural and the non‐rural municipalities have similar AfD vote shares. Therefore, it appears that the thesis that rural areas are the source of the support of right‐wing populism applies to some, but not to all rural areas of Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Senior citizens could benefit from Information technology (IT), especially in rural areas where the lack of agglomeration makes services more expensive. The aim of the study is to examine the older adults perception and preferences of IT, while referring to spatial, social, and cultural contexts. The research was conducted in the rural periphery of Israel, relating to the diversity of the population and types of settlements. The study was based on interviews with forty senior citizens aged 65 to 93. The findings indicate that senior citizens have an ambivalent attitude: while it is difficult for them to use IT, some understand that digital illiteracy might marginalize and distance them from their families and communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]