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The literature has often used the term "populism" as a sensitizing concept to inquire the increasing relevance of right‐wing political organizations in Western countries, specifically in rural areas and marginalized territories (e.g., deindustrialized districts). The spread of populism appears as a consequence of the multidimensional failure of globalized neoliberal capitalist promises of prosperity. In this frame, the current climate agenda is challenged because it is perceived as a source of socio‐territorial marginalization and depletion. Local oppositions against green facilities in rural areas and right‐populist political forces seem to converge in a common discursive frame. The paper proposes some considerations on the "energy populism" by exploring the phenomenon in France (in Occitanie) and Italy (in Basilicata). The comparison allows us to discuss and problematize the possible links between the reception of renewable policies in rural areas and the attempt of populist movements to become spokesmen for local resistance. The main hypothesis is that the sense of dispossession and non‐involvement perceived by the rural population on renewables finds in the populist rhetoric a coherent and effective discursive framework to represent their issues. However, research suggests that the link between local opposition to renewables and populist organizations is weak and instrumental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of neo‐populist parties in Western countries is a current issue in social sciences. Over the past two decades, and with increasing emphasis in recent years, a notable body of research has been preoccupied with explaining the complex relationship between populism and places. This paper fits in this literature and is aimed at verifying the role played by territorial inequalities and the urban‐rural divide on voting preferences in Italy. Through a detailed statistical analysis carried out at the municipal scale, we hereby compare recent trends in national (2013, 2018) and European (2019) Elections with socioeconomic and demographic data to shed light on the drivers of political change. In particular, we focus on the two main Italian parties labeled as populist: the Lega and the Movimento 5 Stelle. Analyses show that support for such parties is only partially related to rural areas, territorial inequalities, and place peripherality, highlighting the need for a more comprehensive explanation of the neo‐populist surge. Accordingly, we argue that besides demand‐side factors, other supply‐side ones should be considered, especially in Italy, where electoral behaviors are embedded in diverse local geopolitical histories that still play an important role in orienting voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]