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ABSTRACT In a complex society, differentiated social organizations are bound together in reciprocally necessary exchange relationships of two sorts, market and commissary. Norms controlling the market form prevent levels of conflict that might preclude necessary interorganizational exchange. The commissary form makes for asymmetrical exchange, guided by norms that promote cooperation. These forms of exchange are paralleled by two modes of coordination, the invisible- and the visible-hand systems, respectively. Real societies display a mixture of the two systems of control, hut tend to move toward the visible-hand system, the managed society. This is owing to large scale organization, a heightened awareness of potential disasters, and new views of man derived from the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The present research introduces and provisionally tests an improved methodological procedure (the Social Time Perspective Scale) for determining class-linked differences in the way persons anticipate the future and orient their behavior to it. Data for this analysis are drawn from a sample of freshmen in college who come largely, but not entirely, from middle-class backgrounds and from a sample of Job Corpsmen who come primarily from lower-class backgrounds. The findings reveal that: (1) lower-class youth in the Job Corps have a more circumscribed notion of future time than youth from the middle class and their outlook on the future is less systematically ordered; (2) upwardly mobile lower-class youth in college have succeeded in incorporating some features of the middle-class pattern of future orientation in their temporal outlook, but residues of their lower-class backgrounds are still present; and (3) in both the lower- and middle-class samples, the length of temporal perspectives is a factor mediating effective role performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This is an exploratory paper using unobtrusive measures to study regularities in the American practice of using Jr. and numerical suffixes to indicate patrilateral name inheritance. The practice is shown to be more common on the eastern seaboard than elsewhere in the country. Over the present century it is shown to have increased rapidly and then to have declined. This changing incidence over time is paralleled by a changing distribution in the social structure: originally practiced by the white property-owning and professional class, it has spread to the white working class and to the black population. This practice is usefully considered as a property of the status system and its changing distribution can be understood as status usurpation through the operation of the "trickle effect." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One limitation in building empirically testable models in sociology is that many familiar statistical techniques such as least-squares regression analysis require interval-level measurements while sociologists often have only ordinal-level measurements. Fortunately there do exist statistical techniques that use ordinal measurements. In this article we consider several types of prediction procedures which use ordinal data, as input, including individual ordinal prediction procedures and pairwise ordinal prediction procedures. The latter were studied by Wilson (1971) who claimed that ordinal variables could neither he used to build empirically testable models nor to state substantive propositions rigorously. But his claims are weakened because (1) he states, but fails to prove, that a particular loss function is the only one that can be used in pairwise ordinal prediction procedures, (2) he ignores alternative types of ordinal prediction procedures, and (3) his main mathematical theorem is in error. We consider his arguments, salvage his theorem, and display a similar theorem for individual ordinal prediction procedures We argue that, for the three reasons mentioned, Wilson's results do not show that it is unprofitable to use ordinal variables in prediction procedures. Finally we consider a generalized individual ordinal prediction procedure in which one ordinal variable is only useless for predicting a second ordinal variable if the two variables are statistically independent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular imagery and various social science theories argue that urban life generates a sense of despair or malaise. While Americans tend to express preferences for small communities, secondary analysis of several American and foreign surveys fails to indicate that community size fosters personal unhappiness. If any result is substantial, it is that the effect, worldwide, is of rural malaise. American and French data do reveal, however, that, after controls for covariates, there is a small trend for the largest metropolises to be disproportionately places of malaise. Breaking down the samples by migration history suggests that this is owing to the ability of some to move to idealized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a survey of Dutch sociology. In 1863 "Introduction to the Science of the Community," written by J. de Bosch Kemper, Professor of Law in the University of Amsterdam, appeared, which may be regarded as the first product of Dutch sociology. Professor de Bosch Kemper began his work with the conviction that a study of society is an essential clement for productive work in the field of law. His sociology is an introduction to the theory of public law. The last part of the "Introduction" presents the development of corresponding legal systems from various social attitudes. It is evident from this division that the science of the community was seen mostly as a combination of other sciences insofar as they dealt with society. De Bosch Kemper did not develop any special "sociological" theory, since his conceptions were determined already through his Christian philosophy. Nevertheless, his book comprises almost everything with which modern sociology deals as may well be illustrated by his special investigations of the individual and the community, the relation of the individual towards culture, the role of religion, diseases of community life, etc.

This article explores the question whether sociology dispense with a theory of value. Values, it is claimed, are only subjective attitudes, mere feelings of satisfaction or dissatisfaction that arise in our own experience in proportion as we succeed or fail in realizing certain interests and impulses which arc fundamentally biological in nature, however greatly this fact may have been obscured by social conditioning. The problem of values has recently been quite easily disposed of on purely methodological grounds by the extreme objectivists who contend that sociology as a science must confine itself to procedures analogous to those employed in the natural sciences which rely on observable, objective or external, as opposed to subjective or internal, data. Insofar as values imply conscious states, therefore, they can, ex hypothesi, be admitted to have no functional significance in the scientific explanation of cultural phenomena. They must either be ignored or reduced to mere sequellae or functionless correlates of physical activities. But the problem of value in social science can not be dismissed so cavalierly. For it is precisely its nature as a value, as something to be used, desired or avoided by human beings, that constitutes anything a cultural fact.

This article presents information regarding appreciation of the sociologist and author of the book "Dynamic Sociology," Lester F. Ward by Albion W. Small. There could hardly have been a stranger pair of sociological bedfellows than Ward and Small, and it is not surprising that their relations eventually became strained. Their personalities were disparate, their social philosophies and world views markedly diverse. Small, the son of a New England clergyman, educated in the East and in Europe, was saturated with and felt himself at one with the conventional mores of his environment. Ward, on the other hand, was a product of the frontier, an autodidact for the most part, he had struggled and suffered for a livelihood and for education and he never cloaked his feeling of isolation by gracious suavities. The frank letters of this collection' cast Small in the role of an artful diplomat, contentious with his fellow sociologists, yet ready to yield to expediency, to temper the vigor of his sociological criticisms of contemporary institutions in order not to offend the sensibilities of cautious clergymen and other conservatives. Ward in contrast was uncomprising.

Each day hundreds of sociologists walk solemnly into classrooms and face thousands of young men and women. The sociologists place themselves behind their respective desks and proceed to talk of their world. It is a world of concepts, categories, facts, events, personages, and relationships absorbed, for the most part, from the printed page, and arranged in a more or less orderly fashion. At periodic intervals the sociologists retire from the world with thousands of quiz books, blue, yellow, and brown, to seek hopefully for unusually acute guesses as to what propositions a particular sociologist regards as true. On the other side of the desk there is a different world with a different content and different values. Many sociologists who take their world a little less seriously or who are serious in a slightly different way feel at times a sense of futility and of being separated from their audiences by an invisible barrier. In the first group of studies, of the survey or observational type, there were some interesting reports upon missions and revivals which had been attended for the purpose of observation, also studies from newspaper sources of survivals of magic and witchcraft in modern culture.

While sociology will find it difficult if not impossible to use to any great degree the exact methods of the natural sciences, it should of course employ these methods wherever and whenever they are adapted to its purpose. To use them exclusively or predominantly is to overlook the differences between social and physical phenomena. No one doubts that personal observation is the mother of all science, and most would probably agree that even the personal observation of a single individual, when extended over a life time, not infrequently reveals important social principles. The difficulties, however, in the personal observation of the behavior of social groups have not been appreciated until very recently. Such a sociological laboratory may perhaps be helpful in the observation of certain social processes. However, it would seem that in general the conditions are too artificial and too limited to throw much light upon human social behavior. Ultimately sociologists are driven to consider these larger units though, of course, there are many psychological advantages in observing small groups that can be seen, such as the family and the neighborhood.

This article presents information on sociology research, its content and application, particularly sociology in America. Social science, is always dependent upon the actual state of conditions in society, and of the current modes of thinking and evaluating. This is a decisive factor for the sociologist who is generally a part of the social body he studies. In all periods of crisis man turns to his ratio for alleviating his distress. In such cases his eyes are cast, full of questions, to the social sciences for assistance, for they impersonate the ratio. A discussion of contemporary sociology, therefore, should start with a short survey of the present epoch, for out of this background, directly or indirectly, the problems of the social sciences emerge. In spite of the particularity of American problems, a number of them is shared with other countries. It is true, however, that in each country these problems assume special Characteristics. Capitalism, socialism, democracy, poverty, and so forth, have their own implications in America. The excessive use of machinery was due in part, at least, to the lack of human hands and to the vastness of the land. Colonization was responsible for a different attitude toward the supreme power of the state.

The article discusses the reasons why people engaged primarily in extracting mineral wealth yield few leaders required necessarily a consideration of what conditions are apparently favorable socially. In order that a community can be self-perpetuating biologically without deterioration in the quality of the people and their ideals, it must have available a source of livelihood that is relatively permanent. The local changes that characteristically accompany the exploitation of mineral wealth includes a prompt influx of speculators, of those who seek quick wealth even at a sacrifice of former ideals or of physical safety. During the exploitation of gold and oil, wealth comes to some who little merit it, as luck plays a large role. There are very few "almost ideal family homes" in a gold mining camp or town, or in an oil field. A study of the birthplaces of many thousands of prominent Americans of various sorts has disclosed only two who were born in mining camps, and they were children of pastors. It appears that such quickly extracted natural resources as oil, gold, coal and timber are socially detrimental to the communities which extract them, and therefore, are social liabilities, not assets, to such areas.

The article discusses the relationship of social science to natural science. The main methods of the natural sciences are usually recognized to be observation, experiment, and the use of instruments of precision and of measurement. The natural sciences may, of course, in common with philosophy and the social sciences, employ methods of logical reasoning, of synthesis, and of logical criticism of concepts and theories. Social sciences, especially economics, political science, and sociology, have for a long time aimed at becoming true sciences and at having their scientific status fully and cordially recognized by the devotees of those older sciences which are called the natural sciences. While observation will remain the starting point of the social sciences, as it is of all science, the main methods of research in the social sciences must be and will become imagination, psychology, and history, when these have been rendered thoroughly scientific and matter-of-fact. However, it would seem probable that both the social sciences and the natural sciences, as they exhaust the possibilities of their main methods of research, will turn more and more to the philosophical methods of logical reasoning, of synthesis, and of logical criticism of theories.

The article discusses the nature of sociology and its field. According to researchers, sociology remains the study of general uniformities which obtain in all the specialized subdivisions of the social sciences. A strictly non-evaluative sociology opposes the sense of the other functional sciences in their continual use of evaluative terms. In many aspects of her scientific functioning and at diverse points in the process of investigation, sociology is interested, momentarily it may be, solely in the objective fact of what is or what has been. If the view of sociology as a functional science would introduce the necessity of erecting criteria of functional appropriateness, reality-conformity, or desirability, the inclusion of evaluations merely as data does not release us from that obligation. The rigid demarcations traditionally made within science and between science and ethics, religion, and other parts of the culture are seen not to flow from this basic scientific and epistemological principle. The article presents seven possible points at which evaluations might legitimately enter into social science.

This article deals with the case study as a method of research. It explores the distinction between the use of the case method in remedial social work, and its use in social research, as well as the four methods that are fundamental to adequate and careful case study research. It also highlights the contributions of the case study method to research, which includes the analysis of the specific case. The analysis of the single case involves a weighting of factors that found to be present by the investigator.

This article discusses a study which investigated the relation of felonies to environmental factors in Indianapolis, Indiana. Some reference are made to misdemeanors and to juvenile delinquencies but only for showing their geographical relation to felonies. The data were obtained from Marion County Criminal Court and the 1930 census. The study also analyzed the association between social statistics and crime statistics. The key findings of the study are outlined, which include the distribution of felons and felonies by zones.

A commentary to the article "Some Sociological Principles Underlying the Community Chest Movement" is presented. The author agrees with the argument which held that the community chest is beginning to enter the cultural heritage of that body of social patterns transmitted by formal and informal inculcations. He also offers suggestions for the community chest procedure in relation to sociological principles.

A commentary to the article "Some Sociological Principles Underlying the Community Chest Movement" is presented. The author sheds some light on the practical difficulties encountered in the operation of a community chest. He also presents a balanced view that regards the community chest in its dual relationship as an instrument of the public and at the same time a partnership of social agencies.

A commentary to the article "Some Sociological Principles Underlying the Community Chest Movement" is presented. The author cites that the paper is confined largely to an exposition of the activities of the Community Fund movement in sociological terms. He agrees to the argument that such a movement contains a rich source for even those pure sociologists whose purity is so marked that no unclean or unholy social improvement can be included in their purview.

This article explores the sociological principles underlying the community chest movement. It discusses the origin of the community chest and explores the chest as a social institution or behavior pattern that has been diffused through spontaneous imitation. The attributions to the geographical distribution of the community chest are outlined. It elaborates on how chest exercises a certain control through stimulating public imagination and sentiment. The article also noted that the phenomenon of social action and inter-action is illustrated by the community chest.

This article explores the functional performance and achievement of society. It identifies a group of achievements that may be brought under the general descriptive term "amelioration." It describes the survival of variates, or the general tendencies of the struggle for existence. Another achievement is socialization, which the article described as the chief function of society and social work. An evaluation of individuation, the function of human society as an individual, is also presented. In conclusion, social achievements are the visualized ends of telic activity in and by human society.

The article explores the influence of food on the Western Indian culture. The author believes that food is one of the essential factors bearing on the advancement of civilization and density of population. Some Indians are nomadic because they followed migrating buffalos that they hunt for food. Cooking pots were too bulky and heavy for hunters, which is why pottery and even basketry is more generally found among village Indians and farming tribes. The hunting for buffalo by Indians affected strongly on their social culture and organization.

The article explores the characteristics of race consciousness. Race consciousness is defined as the tendency towards ideological and sentimental identification with a racial group. The author notes that race conscious people such as the African Americans, identify their personal status with that of their race, which is why any attack on the race is taken personally. They naturally resent anything that impugns the status of their race and any type of behavior on the part of members of their race that implies the subservient attitude to other races they condemn.

The article considers the methods of studying a highly disorganized urban area. In conducting a study of a highly disorganized urban area, the research sociologist must some approach other than the purely quantitative. A highly disorganized district presents a degree of unrelated variety which defies successful statistical sampling. In other words, virtually no statistical sources or means of measurement are available. The confusion and overlapping of administrative areas reduces social statistics to minimum.

The article examines the social thought of the ancient civilizations. The history of social thought shows how ruling ideas have developed and the factors responsible for maintaining beliefs and views. In addition, the history of social thought is considered a standard portion of sociological science. Ancient social thought was much similar with recent and even contemporary social thought. It is concerned particularly with man's economic and commercial relationships, with property arrangements, and with domestic and political conditions and relationships.

The article discusses the definition of sociology. According to Professor Pitirim A. Sorokin, sociology is not a single, unified subject matter, instead it is a plural number of subject matters, grouped together under a single name. The logical delineation between general sociology and specialized sociology provides genuine illumination in the fog which hides the boundaries and much of the terrain of sociology. Overall, sociology is a plurality of sociologies and is considered both science and philosophy.

The article discusses the letters written by sociologists Franklin H. Giddings, Lester F. Ward, and Albion Small. These letters illustrates the relations existing between Giddings and Ward and Small. The correspondence of Giddings with Ward started after their initial meeting at a session of the American Economic Association where Giddings presented a paper on the "Sociological Character of Political Economy." Ward defended Giddings' paper in what was the first public endorsement of Giddings' sociological views. The excerpts from the letters of Small complete the illustration of the relationship between Giddings and Ward.

The article throws light on certain features of relations between sociology and psychology. Discussions were given by Edward Sapir, a lecturer on "The Cultural Approach to the Study of Personality." His address did not directly consider these relations but brought up questions which led to the discussions. "One of the social sciences" is an ambiguous and illogical term. A science must from its very nature, be objectively stated. It consists of a certain class or type of phenomena, and any science which is useful in considering a social science problem becomes for that occasion and purpose a part of social science. One does not speak of Astronomy as consisting of chemistry, physics, geology, etc. One speaks of a certain problem as being astronomical and in working on its solution one uses any science that helps. Unless all problems and disciplines of psychology are subjective to the phenomena of social science, which is manifestly not the case, psychology cannot be stated as a part of social science.

The article discusses several issues regarding services of rural trade centers. Trade centers have received a considerable amount of attention in rural sociological research. It has become evident that trade centers have an important economic role to fulfill and their social influences are equally significant. The author classified services facilitated by trade centers including retail, marketing, financial, professional municipal, educational and general social services. Implications of studies of trade centers are discussed.

The article discusses several issues in relation to the scientific character of social studies. The author points out that there has been a discrepancy between the maturity of the physical sciences and the maturity of social science. Some people claim that the social studies can never become scientific because of the fundamental difference between the materials that the field uses. The author emphasized that the field have failed to develop adequate and accurate symbols or instrumentalities. Social scientists have been accused of not carefully adhering to the correct methods of research.

The article discusses several issues concerning scientific method in sociology. The author notes that scientific social knowledge is bound to be limited in content and in its practical utility for social control and social reconstruction, by the methods employed in the social sciences. Social sciences do not deal simply with external appearances, which can be measured by instruments of precision, but with qualities and conscious values. According to professor R. M. MacIver, social science has suffered greatly from the attempt to make it conform to methods derived from the older sciences.

The article discusses several issues in relation to human progress and sociology. The author points out that the idea of human progress is a theory which involves a synthesis of the past and a prophecy of the future. A poem by Roman poet Lucretius includes the first usage of the word progress, whose conception of it is akin to that of later centuries. Auguste Comte believed that the whole course of human development consisted in reducing the characteristic faculties of humanity in comparison with those of animality.

The article discusses several issues in relation to the study and teaching of social sciences. Generalization by intuitive conclusions of a social scientist cannot yield more than working hypotheses for later scientific verification. Scientific conclusions can be acquired from highly variable material by putting together miscellaneous information such as statistics and observations in a systematized fashion. The author believes that the statistical method is an ideal and indispensable technique for research in the social sciences.

The article focuses on sociology and its relationship to other social sciences. Sociology has been defined as the science of culture, which covers issues on economics, history, jurisprudence, philology, political science, science of arts and literature. It has also been variously defined as the science of human relations, of the phenomena of social interaction, of group interpretation or simply as the science of society. Sociology studies a set of social phenomena and that the class of phenomena studied and the standpoint from which they are studied.

The article points out some limitations of the culture area concept. The author notes that the culture area concept might be invalid when applied in the study of non-primitive peoples or the study of the complex contemporary cultures. Furthermore, geography is secondary to modes and channels of communication in studying cultural distributions. Studying social life in the U.S. in terms of the older geographical culture area concept could be unsuccessful because the country's people live on a continuous section of the map.

The article discusses several issues affecting social institutions. The term institution is said to have been commonly used in social psychology and sociology to refer to certain aggregations of people. A fact about a social group is that it is a body of beliefs and established modes of behavior. People who accept such beliefs and behavior are not the only objective realities which exhibit the vitality of an institution. Justice is a system of social adjustments which has evolved through a period of time.

Metropolitan areas represent fairly well defined community boundaries. Each section of the city attracts a specific group of people with definite sets of culture traits; the millionaire, the middle class, and the poor select or drift into locations appropriate to their economic and social status. There are differences between the locations of missions and churches, just as there are between residential sections and business districts. A group of social welfare agencies which are styled as missions will be found in every urban community. It is rather difficult to fathom the exact causes for their origin. From place to place, time to time, and mission to mission immediate and remote causal factors may differ. The connection between the religious duties and the economic status of these humanitarians is so interpenetrating that the determination of their respective fields is arbitrary. Those who attain economic prosperity develop a typical religion of self-confidence, strength, and general superiority. Social welfare agencies of any description justify their existence by virtue of the service they render to the community.

It is probably no coincidence that the difficulties of adjusting to marital relationships increase profoundly with the complexities of man's advancing social development. In a primitive society where cultural growth remained static, or at best advanced only when the entire communal unit was ready for advance, this adjustment was not so difficult, for the foundations of such a society were embedded in a homogeneous community where each member of the group shared, to a considerable degree, similar beliefs, likes, dislikes and taboos. But as civilization and social development proceeded apace, man became more individualized. No longer was he so completely dominated by the group of which he was a political, economic or social unit. It is proposed to apply to the analysis of certain marital problems some pertinent aspects of the will-psychology theory of Otto Rank. Rank believes that much of the maladjustment between humans, whether in marital or other relations, finds a basic cause in a disparity between the participants "self-will" and their "social-will."

Private case working agencies in all fields are faced today with a demand for service that far exceeds their present budgets. The case worker, the government, and the public must come together to determine upon a basic philosophy for the satisfactory working out of such problems and the building of a wise program in the carrying out of that philosophy step by step. To start at the beginning of the interrelationship between public welfare programs and private case working agencies would be too tedious. One may assume for the purpose of this discussion that some kind of positive relation between the two exists. The early points of view on private outdoor relief are presented by an eminent sociologists. He is comparing the then current public policy of meeting need by institutional care with the outdoor relief policy when he says that outdoor relief is more kindly as the "poor person is not separated from relatives and friends, families are not broken up, receipt of relief is not as conspicuous nor as disgraceful as resorting to an institution."

Social work is now a profession, or so say the last census takers. Before psychiatry was applied to case work there were other influences, many of which are to a large extent still operative. Having thus been preceded by other points of view this influence will probably be followed by still other new and suggestive approaches, among them the sociological. In the nineties economics seems to have dominated social work. Relief was the major service rendered. Early in the twentieth century physical conditions were seen as the important cause of distress, and gradually medicine and biology came to dominate the social service stage. Originating as it did in the study of abnormal mental and emotional conditions psychiatry is still primarily concerned with emotional abnormality. This is inevitable when one considers the background and training of the great majority of psychiatrists. Case work and psychiatry are mutually independent but cooperative techniques, and nothing approaching the "doctor nurse" attitude will be allowed to develop by far-sighted practitioners.

Sociology and social work, though rooted in independent origins, have had within the past century a development indicative of a complementary and interdependent relationship. Such a position ignores the history of the movements during the latter half of the nineteenth century and interprets the absence of so full an expression of interdependence in the first twenty years of the present century as indicative of no prior relationship. A significant attestation of the relation of sociology and social work in their precursory stages is the fact that the National Conference of Social Work had its inception in the American Social Science Association. Thus far the relation of social science to charities, correction, and philanthropy has been shown to be positive. In the introductory paragraph of this paper it was suggested that the relation of sociology to social work during the first twenty years of the present century was slight. Sociology and social work are referred to as if aspects of the same movement, and the social worker is termed a type of sociologist, in the official records of the first meeting of the American Sociological Society.

The history of criminology as a science is a record of the successive fumbling with anthropological, psychological and sociological hypotheses which have not brought us appreciably nearer to an understanding of the problems of misconduct. In the face of the imposing series of exploded theories of criminality, prudence dictates that a new theory avoid the persistent error of claiming universal applicability. The records of social agencies concerned with the behavior problems of individuals, in their emphasis on the details of biological heredity, on psychometric tests, on psychiatric diagnoses generally reflect the fashion that happens to prevail at the moment with reference to the sciences of human behavior. Whatever may be the physical, the psychological and the temperamental differences between various races and societies, one thing is certain, namely that their cultures are different. A small compact, isolated, and homogeneous group seems to have no difficulty in maintaining its group life intact, in passing on its institutions, practices, attitudes and sentiments to successive generations and in controlling the behavior of its members. The prevalence of culture conflict as a factor in delinquency strikes one most forcefully when one is dealing, as one so frequently is in American cities, with immigrant families. The sociologist has developed a technique of community analysis as shown in recent studies which ought to furnish the background for the research into delinquency.

In this article more than thirteen hundred terms are listed, which are somewhat arbitrarily offered as the working vocabulary of sociology. The list has been arrived at by the simple but tedious process of going through the generally recognized literature of sociological theory, and sifting out its characteristic terms. Many of them are expressions which appear in the everyday tool-kit of every member of the fraternity; some arc found infrequently, or are confined to a single writer. This vocabulary is, moreover, logically quite incomplete. The possible combinations of terms is virtually unlimited, mathematically speaking. Practically every process or condition that is specified as "individual" or as "social' could also be listed under its opposite, and under various synonymous terms. Certain common adjectives could be made to apply to many words which do not appear in the schedule. It is clear that if one should list all of the possible, or even reasonably logical, variations, sociological dictionary would be quite a sizeable volume in itself.

The article presents a list of new books received covering various topics of Sociology. Some of the books included are: "George V.," by Sir George Arthur; "The Story of Punishment ," by Harry Elmer Barnes; "A Path to Peace," by Nicholas Murray Butler; "The Shadow of the World's Future," by Sir George Handley Knibbs; "Population Problems," by Warren S. Thompson; "Swift," by Carl Van Doren; "Strike!," by Mary Heaton Vorse; and "Public Welfare Administration in Louisiana," by Elizabeth Wisner..

The article presents a list of books received by the journal "Social Forces," including "Incompatibility in Marriage," by Felix Adler, "Simon Bolivar," by Hildegarde Angell, "An Adventure in Religious Education," by Walter Scott Athearn, "World Politics in Modern Civilization," by Harry Elmer Barnes, and "Long Hunt," by James Boyd.

The article presents a detailed discussion about methods and techniques used in field work and the teaching of sociology. It states that concrete and factual investigations have become the accepted technique in sociological research. The situation developed a great deal of contempt to sociologists because of the educational methods used in teaching and learning sociology subjects and in making sociological research. However, it emphasizes that it is good that more and more attention is being paid to how to teach as well as what to teach.

The article presents a detailed discussion about the education and teaching of rural economics and rural sociology and the ethics of rural social research in teachers' colleges, non-state colleges, and schools of religion. It investigates on the research activities in the fields of rural sociology and economics of the colleges and universities as having educators of rural sociology. The investigation assists one of the projects of the Committee on Social and Economic Research in Agriculture of the Social Science Research Council.

The article presents a discussion about research and teaching and methodology in social science. The author notes that Professor John Dewey's general theory of intelligence is that consciousness is conditioned by conflict. He comments on the character of Professor John Dewey's notion of the situation and points out the importance of this phase of his doctrine, initially with regards to the social sciences. It offers passages from Dewey's book "The Quest for Certainty," which calls attention to the identification of experimental inquiry with directed activity in an empirical situation.