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Stratification and inequality are among the most central concepts in sociology, and although related, they are fundamentally distinct: inequality refers to the extent to which resources are distributed unevenly across individuals or between population subgroups, whereas stratification refers to the extent to which population subgroups occupy distinct hierarchical layers within an overall resource distribution. Despite the centrality of stratification in theories of class structure, prior empirical studies have focused exclusively on measures of inequality, which do not accurately capture the degree of class stratification and suffer from a variety of methodological limitations. In this paper, we employ a novel rank-based index of stratification to measure the degree to which occupational classes inhabit distinct, non-overlapping, and hierarchically arranged layers in the distribution of personal market income. The stratification index is nonparametric, both scale and translation invariant, and independent of the level of inequality. Based on this index, our results show that the US income distribution is highly stratified by occupational class and that the degree of class stratification increased substantially from 1980 to 2016. Moreover, we find that this trend is almost entirely due to growing stratification among aggregate occupational classes rather than among the disaggregate occupations nested within them. Finally, a set of counterfactual analyses indicate that the rise of occupational class stratification is driven by increases in the income returns to education, deunionization, and deindustrialization, although the relative importance of these factors varies by gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes an exploratory field study carried out to ascertain the pattern of assimilation among East Indian immigrants in California. It was found that the Hindustani immigrants, because of their small numbers and their pattern of living in individual isolation, are prevented from forming their own ethnic communities. In this paper, the term Hindustani refers to immigrants from India and includes Hindu, Sikh, and Moslem immigrants. They constitute one of the smallest Oriental groups in the U.S.— 2,405 in 1940— and are the least known of all ethnic groups in this country. Of the total Hindustani population in the U.S. in 1940, 61.4 percent resided in California. Many have lived there for over thirty years. The majority of California Hindustanis are emigrants from rural villages in the Punjab, with a handful from Gujarat, Bengal, Oudh, and Madras. This study focused on four aspects of Hindustani life— residential pattern, occupational interactions, community life, family and home life.

The article presents information about several books related to sociology. "Diverging Parallels: A Comparison of American and European Thought and Action," edited by A.N.J. den Hollander, is a collection of papers presented at two meetings of the European Association for American Studies, ferreting out likenesses and differences in European and American cultures. Comparisons touch war and diplomacy, education, conceptions of the tragic, romantic and heroic, the idea of evil and thought processes. "Religion's Influence in Contemporary Society: Readings in the Sociology of Religion," edited by Joseph E. Faulkner, is a judicious selection of theoretical and empirical studies arranged under four headings: efforts to delimit the field of study, religion in the church: members, leadership, and organizational structure, the church in society, and religion and social change: urbanization, secularization, and the future. "Black Psyche: the Modal Personality Patterns of Black Americans," edited by Stanley S. Guterman, is a useful collection of materials that suggest the social construction of a modal personality among the U.S. blacks. Contributions, chiefly by sociologists, arc grouped under three headings: the social and historical backdrop, characteristics of the modal personality, and personality influences on behavior.

Contrary to the belief of many who have read George Homans' recent works, he is not the first sociologist to make explicit use of the concept of exchange. From 1883 to 1885 Albert Chavannes published in The Sociologist a series of papers titled "Studies in Sociology" which treated "The Law of Exchange" and three other social laws. Chavannes' use of the exchange concept was very similar to Homans'. Also, Chavannes emphasized the importance of a systematic empirical sociology but did not contribute to it as Homans has done. This comparison of the two men fills a gap in the history of American sociology and puts Homans' recent contributions in historical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on "International Congress of Sociology," D. Gusti, President of the 14th International Congress of Sociology, urged American sociologists to participate as actively as possible in the Congress. If they can not attend it personally, he asked them to send their papers to be read at the Congress and to be published in the volume of the Proceedings of the Congress. He indicates that so far the number of American papers is much smaller than that from European countries.

In recently developed hierarchical age-period-cohort (HAPC) models, inferential questions arise: How can one assess or judge the significance of estimates of individual cohort and period effects in such models? And how does one assess the overall statistical significance of the cohort and/or the period effects? Beyond statistical significance is the question of substantive significance. This paper addresses these questions. In the context of empirical applications of linear and generalized linear mixed-model specifications of HAPC models using data on verbal test scores and voter turnout in U.S. presidential elections, respectively, we describe a two-step approach and a set of guidelines for assessing statistical significance. The guidelines include assessments of patterns of effects and statistical tests both for the effects of individual cohorts and time periods as well as for entire sets of cohorts and periods. The empirical applications show strong evidence that trends in verbal test scores are primarily cohort driven, while voter turnout is primarily a period phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

American sociologists have moved through the last quarter of a century largely as if Nazi concentration camps were never there. Aside from a few early papers about the camps, the major articles to appear in the journals have, in the main, been research promotion surveys. Little can be gained from epitomizing about these facts. Much more can be obtained from demonstrating that concentration camp materials can be used to open critical questions about contemporary issues. For example, prisoner-of-war detention policy. As this interest is approached in this paper, some guiding observations can be put down. Patent reporting errs and vulnerable theorising in early American discussion about the camps are conforming and tend to seal off major sociological interests. American policy for counteraction of terror and oppression among captive peoples, particularly prisoners-of-war, tends to follow the implications of these early papers. Failure to re-examine these early accounts and to test the implications of evident decisions in prisoner-of-war policy in light of concentration camp experiences may mean that American sociologists have let an opportunity for most significant and practical contributions to public policy pas by.

Study of the various papers on social work interviews shows that their writers have had in mind two fairly distinct purposes. Some have aimed quite directly at the improvement of case work technique, while others have undertaken primarily an analysis of the interview as a bit of social interaction. The majority have clearly been concerned with the technology rather than with the sociology of interviews. Yet it is a curious fact that the Minneapolis-St. Paul group, whose immediate objective is frankly improved teaching of how to interview clients, has made one of the most significant contributions to the analysis of interviews. A comparison with the work of the Kansas City group may be of interest. It has been concerned primarily in studying the interview as a type of social interaction, but so far has failed to discover any means of generalizing its data. It took the interview apart and identified certain constituent elements, but it did not succeed in producing a set of concepts by means of which to describe and lable recurring processes. Some people do not think that the Twin-City group has been altogether successful either, but it has pointed the way. Its attempt to classify phases of the interview as techniques, processes and purposes is quite significant and the effort to find suitable names for these also deserves credit.

The Pacific Sociological Society held its eleventh annual meeting at the State College of Washington, Pullman, Washington D.C. and the University of Idaho, Moscow on December 27-29, 1939. Some of the papers which were presented were "The Radio as a Social Institution," by Martin H. Neumeyer, University of Southern California; "Sociological Analysis of the Concept of News," by Carl F. Reuss, State College of Washington; "Certain Psychological Processes in the Life History of Welfare Agencies," by S. H. Jameson, University of Oregon; "Political Movements in the State of Minnesota," by Calvin F. Schmid, University of Washington; "Democratic Ideologies in the Sociology of Ward and Cooley," by Elton Guthrie, University of Washington; "Occupational Structure and the Relationship Between Jews and non-Jews in Detroit," by Henry Meyer, State College of Washington and "Teaching Sociology in Our Secondary Schools," by Duane Robinson, Whitman College. Papers will be published in the Proceedings of the Pacific Sociological Society.

Abstract This paper joins central concerns in the sociology of work and the sociology of aging. Age differences in work commitment and work values are examined, as well as their work and nonwork determinants, using data from 4,567 American and 3,735 Japanese employees. Our results show that older men are more committed to work than younger men in both Japan and the United States. This pattern also holds for American women, but there are no age differences in work commitment among Japanese women. Moreover, there are greater age differences among the Japanese in the importance placed on good pay. This is consistent with the view that there has been greater cultural change in recent years in Japan than in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Metropolitan communities in the United States are interdependent. Each metropolis serves the economy through its key functions while at the same time it depends on other metropolises and systems for some of its own needs. Using 1960 data for SMSAs, this paper demonstrates that a community's position in this differentiated system influences the characteristics of its population. Two perspectives for determining a metropolitan community's key functions are used: one considers economic activities one at a time; the other considers the entire configuration of these activities at once. These two procedures are compared in their ability to identify groups of communities having distinctive social structures, as indicated by occupational and educational composition, income level, age and sex structure, and ability to attract and hold migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This is an exploratory paper using unobtrusive measures to study regularities in the American practice of using Jr. and numerical suffixes to indicate patrilateral name inheritance. The practice is shown to be more common on the eastern seaboard than elsewhere in the country. Over the present century it is shown to have increased rapidly and then to have declined. This changing incidence over time is paralleled by a changing distribution in the social structure: originally practiced by the white property-owning and professional class, it has spread to the white working class and to the black population. This practice is usefully considered as a property of the status system and its changing distribution can be understood as status usurpation through the operation of the "trickle effect." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper explores the connection between employment trends and state mental hospital admissions first presented by Brenner in Mental Illness and the Economy The analysis is based on employment data for the Buffalo SMSA and admissions to the SMSAs only major public psychiatric hospital for the years 1914 to 1955. We employ a series of specifications in time-series analyses. Our findings contrast with Brenner's; unlike his analysis, ours indicates that employment is positively related to admissions. Consistent with other previous research, hospital capacity is also found to be important in predicting admissions. We offer a number of interpretations for the results, in particular noting the need for the examination of the stressful effects of work itself, not merely its loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Howard Odum at his death in 1954 was working on the technicways, a concept comparable to Sumner's folkways-addressed to the relation of technology to social change and social consensus. To Odum the essence of technicways is to be sought in terms of the transition required to give scientific techniques the sanctions of a system of norms. Technicways are the folkways of an age of science. The current neglect of this concept may be due to its embodiment in Odum's theory of folk sociology and in its closeness to Ogburn's social change which Odum apparently accepted. It is a paradox that today in a literate age of social change we have no records of the contemporary origin and development of folkways. This is explained when changing standards are related to scientific and engineering techniques. Another paradox demanding explanation is the incorporation of these techniques within the system of norms. Failure to understand the nature of the technicways leads to two popular fallacies: namely, (1) there exists a total breakdown of standards; (2) technology is in control of the social order. It is the contention of this paper that Howard Odum in the development of the concept technicways, has offered here a lead that takes up where Sumner's folkways left the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author proposes to begin an inevitable process: the reassessment of an immensely vital and important body of sociological research pertaining to the power structures of American communities. This proposition has never met adequate empirical test. Greater concern with decisions as the focus of research would determine the range of decisions likely to be decided by the same group of people. Communities could then be classified according to the breadth and kinds of decisions in the hands of an elite group, or, conversely, according to the turnover in the membership of the decision-making elite on a specified range of issues. But in these studies decisions are never categorized, aggregated, or systematically reported in any form amenable to the testing of the power "structure." In the study of community power, as in other areas of sociology, the examination of intentions, reputations and attributions is to be applauded. The vigorously developing sociology of community power bears witness to the pitfalls which one may otherwise encounter.

The article presents information on a survey within the eleven Southeastern States of the introductory sociology course in U.S. The purpose of the study was twofold: (1) to provide a general factual description of the situation of the introductory sociology course within the Southeastern states and (2) to provide a technique for stimulating interest in one's common problems as teachers. This paper briefly presents the results of the survey. A general social science course is available to freshmen or sophomores in 41 percent of Southeastern institutions. Of these, only two-fifths require that the course be taken by all students in the college. This indicates that the burden of responsibility of the introductory course by no means has shifted to the general social science course. The survey presented 18 objectives of the course for the respondents to rate along a three-point continuum, as very important, of some significance, or as unimportant. One respondent demonstrated the logical interrelation of all 18 objectives, showing that all comprise the fundamental aim of "understanding the society in which the student lives" and that by implication all are involved in the learning process.

Mass data on numbers, places, and kinds of people, and particularly of their movements in space and time, accumulate in the U.S. at an accelerating rate, and demographers have achieved high competence in their analysis of large-scale observations. There is available much objective and statistical material about the populations of states, regions, and nations. The accessibility of this material makes possible the single argument of this paper, which is, to use analogy, that the U.S. population information is like an unfinished painting. This article presents a running sketch of proposals for socio-demographic research with one further comment on the implied conditions of investigation. The search to which each study relates insofar as population analysis is concerned, is two-fold. On the one hand, it is for clusters of factors that operate as patterns within a migration or fertility trend. On the other, it is a search for the of elements which are capable of independent variation.

Sociology and social work, though rooted in independent origins, have had within the past century a development indicative of a complementary and interdependent relationship. Such a position ignores the history of the movements during the latter half of the nineteenth century and interprets the absence of so full an expression of interdependence in the first twenty years of the present century as indicative of no prior relationship. A significant attestation of the relation of sociology and social work in their precursory stages is the fact that the National Conference of Social Work had its inception in the American Social Science Association. Thus far the relation of social science to charities, correction, and philanthropy has been shown to be positive. In the introductory paragraph of this paper it was suggested that the relation of sociology to social work during the first twenty years of the present century was slight. Sociology and social work are referred to as if aspects of the same movement, and the social worker is termed a type of sociologist, in the official records of the first meeting of the American Sociological Society.

The article presents information on Herbert B. Adams, well known figure in the research of social science. The biographical details which have been selected aim to present the qualities which gave him influence and esteem among students and investigators, rather than to furnish a complete life history. Adams, began his public career with an appointment as fellow in History in the Johns Hopkins University in 1876. He remained in that institution in the progressive positions of Associate, Associate Professor, and Professor until the time of his death in 1901. His base of operations, therefore, remained fixed, but his influence extended over the continent and it is proper that some inquiry should be made respecting the earlier experiences which developed his character and prepared him for leadership in historical studies. His private reading in college was chiefly in connection with the subjects upon which he had to write or debate. History was not a large part of his collegiate training and we might be a little surprised that he afterwards devoted his life to it.

This article focuses on the Third Annual Meeting of the Southern Sociological Society scheduled to be held on April 1 and 2, 1938, at Hotel Patten, Chattanooga, Tennessee. It will have one main session and eight sectional meetings. The article gives a list of the papers to be presented in the main session. These papers will cover topics such as "Urban and Community Studies,""Social Psychology," and Social Psychiatry," and "Population problems." In addition to the formal papers, leaders have been appointed to open the discussion from the floor. In each case, the Section Chairman will act as presiding officer. A list of the officers of the Society, the names of section chairman, time of sectional meetings, and other details, appeared in the December 1937, issue of this journal. Some other topics of focus are "The Teaching of Sociology," "Rural Sociology," "Social Work and Public Welfare," Race and Culture," Social Research," etc. Some eminent sociologists will participate in the meeting.

This article focuses on the approach towards sociology in Europe. It lists works of several sociologists and brings out their area of study. Karl Mannheim is concerned with educational administration. He says the Germans have long speculated as to whether there is a science of sociology, while the French have placed courses and the Americans whole departments of sociology in their universities. Now Germany is convinced that there is sociology and will teach it and he offers a detailed outline of what he thinks the subject should cover. Mark Abramowitsch offers a socialist interpretation of sociology, but criticizes strongly those who do not go beyond Marx in their interpretation of society. He has much to say about the contrast between the proletarian and the bourgeois approaches to social science. Irma Goitein seeks to show Richard Hess' position between Hegelian idealism and Marxian historical materialism, and she finds that he did not seek a synthesis of these viewpoints but rather gyrated between them. Some new letters of Hess are given in the appendix.

Although marital status and marital events, as such, have received a good deal of attention in recent years, little effort has been made toward combining the two concepts to arrive at a comprehensive picture of the components of change in marital status over a period of time. The present paper presents such an analysis for a single Standard Metropolitan Area, that of Honolulu, Hawaii, for the 1940-1950 intercensal decade. Similar studies are possible for other areas or periods wherever data are available. Such an analysis of marital dynamics can be likened to the "flow charts" and "input-output" studies commonly used in related fields. These tools have been used by economists, traffic engineers, demographers, and other professional workers for a number of years, both in graphic and tabular form. In the present instance, the effects of six kinds of marital events on four classes of marital status are described. The marital events include (1) reaching marriageable age, (2) being married, (3) being divorced, (4) migrating, (5) being widowed, and (6) dying.

Plans are now being definitely made to hold the next meeting of the American Sociological Society at the Hollenden Hotel in Cleveland on March 1-3, 1946. In this connection, a proposal is made to devote a session to contributed papers. Katharine Jocher at the University of North Carolina, is chairman of the committee to select which of the papers submitted should appear on the program and she requests that any papers intended for that session be in her hands by January 1, 1946.

While W. E. B. Du Bois is widely recognized for his contributions to the sociology of race, his contributions to the foundations of sociology are largely ignored. His sociology is based on African American reformism, a version of pragmatism, and a contingent historicism. The basic view of sociology is one that emphasizes the role of chance and will as opposed to law and certainty. He called sociology “the science of free will.” His view of society is one that focuses on the historical contingency of the structure of society, the malleability of society, and the fundamental feature of American society: a society built around the “color line” or “veil.” This view of society is not merely an interesting historical anomaly, but has significant implications for the understanding of and development of contemporary sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article uses the puzzle of diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in the United States and Canada to build a new approach to the study of citizenship and political incorporation. I consider three existing models of citizenship: an approach that considers citizenship adoption as the product of cost/benefit calculations; an approach that understands individuals and groups to be differentially endowed with the skills, resources and interests necessary to acquire citizenship; and an approach that believes countries adopt citizenship regimes which either include or shut out immigrants. I then offer an alternative model of structured mobilization which views political incorporation as a social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement. The material and symbolic resources provided by government shape the ability and interest of "social helpers" to assist with and mobilize around citizenship. The article concludes by considering the implications of structured mobilization for various debates in immigration and political sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular imagery and various social science theories argue that urban life generates a sense of despair or malaise. While Americans tend to express preferences for small communities, secondary analysis of several American and foreign surveys fails to indicate that community size fosters personal unhappiness. If any result is substantial, it is that the effect, worldwide, is of rural malaise. American and French data do reveal, however, that, after controls for covariates, there is a small trend for the largest metropolises to be disproportionately places of malaise. Breaking down the samples by migration history suggests that this is owing to the ability of some to move to idealized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the Southern Sociological Society. The society has 355 members represented with all the southern states of the United States. It will hold its meeting at the Atlanta-Biltmore Hotel, Atlanta, Georgia, on April 27 and 28. The program will feature sections pertaining to the teaching of family relations courses, social work and public welfare, social psychology, community development, sociological research and contributed papers. Program chairmen for these sections are: Marion B. Smith from Louisiana State University; Robert I. Kutak from the University of Louisville; Raymond F. Bellamy,from Florida State University; Laura S. Ebaugh, from Furman University and T. Lynn Smith, from the University of Florida.

Inconsistency between an achieved and an ascribed status is more likely to lead to Democratic party preference than is inconsistency between two achieved statuses. Because members of the present generation are more likely to attain their occupations through achievement than were their fathers, intergenerational mobility in many cases leads to achievement-ascription inconsistencies. Our data show that both the upwardly mobile and the downwardly mobile are likely to support the Democratic party, thus helping to explain part of the partisan realignment in the United States favoring that party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An historical consideration of the problem of the cultural education of the southern white person would examine those influences which have built up through time the accepted white philosophy of race; another approach is through a study of the forces which transmit that philosophy to the individual born into the society. The latter approach is used here in an effort to find how the white child finds his place in relation to the Negro. Because racial learning is but one aspect of social learning and not a thing apart from it, an understanding of the ways in which the child learns his racial role necessarily involves or presupposes knowledge of the mechanisms of social learning itself. Learning that one is white is part of the process of learning the identity of the self and the symbols and expectations appropriate to the position of that sell. The racial role is but one of many which the individual must learn, and behavior proper to these roles is socially defined.

The article discusses the nature of one of the major elite groups in the Jewish community of Atlanta, Georgia, a Jewish community of intermediate size. The concept of elite is generally a broader term than that of leader. It includes persons who may have prestige, but who lack power or the ability to influence important groups and also those persons who are being groomed to be or who could be "leaders in the making." The organizational elite definitely occupies a leadership position. The members of the Atlanta Jewish organizational elite who operate local, independent agencies are now linked with workers from other cities who handle similar associations into a web of voluntary national organizations such as a national Jewish social worker's association or the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds. There is relatively little turnover among the organizational elite, except toward improvement of their status or transfers to other offices when they are connected with a national agency that operates regional offices throughout the country. Working hours and conditions and salary scales are on a comparable level with those of other Jewish workers in similar fields elsewhere.

This article explores tentatively the utility of sociological insight for analyzing conflict between large social systems. Since a main concern of sociology is the institutional frame of a society, it seems reasonable to look to a sociologist for a realistic conceptual focus of economic, political, and other aspects of international conflict. As a step toward this goal, the Soviet Union-U.S. case is outlined. Generalized laws explaining stress and change in social systems must await much research by teams of social scientists. A political aspect of Soviet-U.S. conflict is the relatively extreme readjustment in the international balance of power. Polarization, a second facet of Soviet-U.S. politics, seems to deepen the conflict. Alliances with other major powers are no longer possible for the rivals, satellites can hardly offer the security of the pre-war ententes. Soviet-U.S. conflict operates in the historical context of the industrializing process, proceeding so rapidly and pervasively in many peasant societies as to constitute a social revolution. Without a sense of the historical context and direction of change, understanding conflict between social systems is impossible. This particular conflict can be viewed as one between an earlier phase and a later emergence of industrialism.

The article presents an inquiry into the range and role of research by social scientists in the southern region of the U.S. The social scientist can rarely escape the pressure of a double obligation in all his work. The need for valid generalization is so great in his field that emphasis upon fundamental topics and scientific methodology can never be forgotten, but at the same time the material which he studies tends to exert upon him pressure to select subjects of investigation relevant to the immediate needs and the recognized aspirations of men. The fundamental research which precedes the application, the rigorous training of the scientific worker, and, most important of all, the applicability of the logic and objectivity of science to all phases of life -- these provide only a dim background for the magical drama in which all attention is focused on the end result, the thing produced. The extent of research, as indicated by the figures, represents tremendous expansion in a relatively short period of time, chiefly between the two great wars of the twentieth century.

The article focuses on the ways in which certain theoretical aspects of regionalism and folk sociology in the early 1940s have developed from beginnings in community studies of race and folk culture in the early 1900s. In so far as they have a bearing upon social research and planning, as applied to the regional quality and balance of tee U.S., there are a number of assumptions. The definitive culture to be studied through the region is the folk-regional society, in the study of which folk sociology may assume the new dynamics of a functional sociology as a natural-cultural science which combines the cultural and statistical methods of study. The earlier community inquiries into race relations, to which we refer, were concrete studies of African Americans in southern towns, begun in Mississippi and Georgia in 1905. When the Institute for Research in Social Science was established at the University of North Carolina, with the specific keystone of its program that of Regional Research and Study, immediately the African Americans and the folk life became a first unit. One of the first steps was to rework and publish some of the earlier collections of African Americans folk songs and to recapture as much as possible of their vividness and appeal at that time as well as to revive the interest in the older African American songs and to introduce the African Americans workaday song.

In this article the author propose to examine an hypothesis derived from the field of so-called primitive peoples. It seems to the authors that if they can demonstrate the validity of the continuum in a modem setting the authors shall have made some contribution to any elaboration of the entire theory. The research from which the authors have derived their central hypothesis has been done among so-called primitive societies. It should be noted that the change from a folk to an urban type is essentially analogous to the change from a self-sufficient to a dependent rural community. The essential analogy lodges in the fact that both are changing from more to less homogeneity. As an incident to this study, the authors entertain the hope that the following purposes may be served: a specific understanding of historical process in southern Illinois, a contribution to folk-urban theory, a concrete demonstration of the feasibility of general law in the field of society, whether primitive or modern and a greater rapprochement between the disciplines of anthropology and sociology.

The article focuses on the role of the U.S. Commission on Interracial Cooperation in racial cooperation in war and peace. Many of its efforts have been in the field of education, specifically functioning in the attempt to change traditional racial attitudes, to improve interracial cooperation, and to increase understanding between races. These areas of knowledge and endeavor do not lend themselves readily to scientific measurement or objective appraisal. The entire culture of a people ties in so closely in shaping attitudes and in influencing action patterns that it is very difficult to segregate and to examine the influence of any single agency or institution from that of other institutions or the mass impact of the total culture. Irrespective of these limitations, this article attempts to appraise as carefully as possible the work of the Commission. This has been done through interviews and correspondence with some 300 persons, most of whom have observed or participated in the work of the Commission, have served on state or local interracial committees, or have shown an interest one way or another in race problems or southern problems. In addition, there has been consultation with Commission personnel and a somewhat detailed scrutiny of the publications and official minutes of the Commission.

The article focuses on plight and trial of the migrants in the U.S. People have always migrated and perhaps always shall, because migration is a natural phenomenon of life. It is only lately, however, that sufficient interest has been aroused to accelerate the formulation of plans for the care of unemployed persons on the road. Figures obtained from the Federal Transient Program indicate the problem is of minor extent, but it looms larger because of the emotional reaction of the local communities. During the existence of the Federal Transient Bureau, the number of transients under care reached a peak of slightly over 300,000 persons in February 1935. The migrant is not considered a problem until he applies for assistance. There is no hesitancy in allowing the migrant other community services but the problem arises from the elimination of this group from relief because of their lack of residence. The communities' rulings in regard to relief for migrants in need create this problem, and not the persons on the move.

The article presents information on technicways in American civilization. This report is an exercise in the methodology of sociological research, intended to show how a student adopts a general frame of reference related to his own knowledge and interests, delimits the field of study, states his problem, locates sources, and chooses a method. The study in folk sociology used to illustrate this process was designed to work out a simple quantitative method of describing the growth pattern of the technicways and locating their point of origin in time. By a discussion of the logical assumptions underlying the growth curve used to describe the pattern of change for our data we try to show how a more precise quantitative study may help to interpret cumulative processes of cultural change in terms of sociological meaning. For the rising generation in America the difference between technicways and folkways may seem to be an academic one, because for most of them at least the change from the old ways of doing things to the new behavior patterns is just a matter of history.

The United States is confronted with the necessity of formulating and adopting national policies with reference to certain social aspects of medicine. These policies should not be projected without careful study of the experience of countries that have applied them over a period of years. It is desirable that the American people should discover and know the facts in regard to the conditions in the United States that will be affected by such policies. Thus, to make possible the social and medical research prerequisite to the intelligent construction of sound policies in social medicine and related fields, it is imperative that pertinent source materials be systematically collected and made accessible. In setting up a program for the provision of these vital materials, the medical and social science research worker and the librarian would do well to cooperate in the formulation of: (1) a definite statement of those categories of source materials relating to the social aspects of medicine which deserve more attention than they have hitherto received in the collecting activities of libraries; (2) a national plan for the systematic collection of these materials in strategic geographical and scholarly centers; (3) a program of social and medical research.

Statistical investigations of the nature or extent of crime are often inconclusive because of the inaccuracy of police, court, and prison records. Besides, the prevalent use of such geographical units as states and nations may obscure significant differences that would appear in an inquiry of greater specificity. This study of homicide in South Carolina, a relatively homogeneous state, attempts to avoid these difficulties, since regional investigations "offer excellent opportunities for such analysis as will distinguish between causal factors and merely component relationships," and since the records of the state and federal bureaus of vital statistics give comparatively reliable data concerning homicide, the killing of one person by another except by accident or legal execution. Approximately 155000 death certificates in the files of the South Carolina Bureau of Vital Statistics were examined, the probable homicide cases secured and investigated further by letters to physicians and county authorities, and the annual rates per 100000 population calculated for each of the counties of the state, this part of the study being limited to the seven year period 1920-1926. In addition, the rates for cities of 10000 or more population were obtained for the years 1920 and 1925 from data supplied by the United States Division of Vital Statistics.

The relationship of the family institution to the wider community is a matter of some interest, as well as practical significance. In order to clarify the theoretical relationship that is assumed to obtain between the individual and the group, or between human nature and the social order, it is the custom of sociologists to postulate the existence of a preliterate age when the problem of social control and the production of the desired type of personality was relatively simple. Simple situations, such as this analysis assumes, are relatively unknown in modem society. The problem is one of greater complexity. There are, however, certain culturally isolated groups, where conditions approach the homogeneity characteristic of primitive times. The article presents example of the Amana Society, a German communistic group in Iowa that presents an analogy to the primitive tribe and yields some interesting material in regard to the relationship between the family and the community that has been assumed to be true of the simpler situations. Amana represents one of a series of protests against the formalism and worldliness of the Lutheran church in post-Reformation Germany.

The article illustrate contrasts and similarities in the general development of European and American sociology in recent times. A conspicuous difference in this respect is that in American Sociology has grown as a child nursed by the Universities and Colleges; while in Europe its modern start, since August Comte, and development have in a considerable degree taken place outside of the Universities and Colleges. Indeed a number of the founders of the principal modern sociological systems in Europe never occupied the position of a teacher in University at all. This difference also continues to exist at the present moment: although the number of Universities and Colleges in Europe where sociology has been introduced as a regular course has considerably increased since the time of the War and Revolutions; nevertheless this number is still much below that of the United States. Another difference lies in the character of the European and American sociologists. The bulk of the sociological works in America are marked by their quantitative and empirical character while the bulk of the sociological literature of Europe is still marked by an analytical elaboration of concepts and definitions; by a philosophical and epistemological polishing of words.

The article presents information on several books related to sociology. One of the book is "Surveying Your Community," by Edmund S. Brunner. This book is about methodological suggestions for studying the problems of the rural church and the rural community. Another book is "Human Experience," by Viscount Raldane is about an effort at a philosophical and psychological approach to the study of the nature and meaning of human experience. Another book is "Study Guide for Problems in American History," by L.A. Ely, E. King and M.J. Stormzand is about an ingenious book of exercises for elementary students, based on Beard and Bagley's History of the American People. There is also an interestingly written survey of the whole period of American development, constructed along conventional lines. One of the early volumes in the interesting experiment of a "Dollar Book Series." There are several books about progressive and courageous manual for high schools. Archaic on the matter of the causes of the World War.

Any person who studies the record of the Supreme Court of the United States must arrive somewhere near the conclusion that body of nine justices is the most powerful peacetime agency of government in this country. While the Supreme Court has continued to be composed, for the most part, of aged men who might be regarded as eligible to the comforts of retirement after lives of strenuous legal activity, the judicial duties which it ha to perform have become continually more oppressive. During the last decade, as the result of a speeding-up process, the court has actually considered an average of five-hundred and forty two cases annually, over two-hundred and twenty-five more than the average which it considered annually during the ten-year period from 1885 to 1894, and over one-hundred and forty more than the annual average from 1905 to 1914. In the put fifty years the court's production in the matter of cases considered has practically doubled. The working force has not been increased, and, if age is any index, its strength and vitality has not been enhanced.

The layman has taken the church situation into his own hands in nearly twelve hundred communities in the United States. A profound change is going on in the attitude of these lay workers toward the ecclesiastical order in which they have been reared. The history of the community churches in the United States shows that most of them came into being with lay initiative. Each is therefore different from every other. There are now on the lists of the community Church Workers, a national serve ice organization, non-ecclesiastical in scope and function, a total of 1170 community churches. This organization does not claim to have the names of all of them for there is no reason why a community church should report to anybody. New ones are being discovered every month which have been in existence for several years and which have never corresponded with the Community Church Workers.

Good will and good wishes do not necessarily mean success in dealing with maladjusted families. To save a family from disaster is a delicate task in social engineering. In order to secure a "rounded view of the client's life," the case worker must often search through an intricate and involved maze of facts that seem contradictory. She must bring to her search for the truth a scientific attitude and an analytical quality of mind. The facts secured must be organized and interpreted, the essential separated from unessential until the pattern of the life being studied, stands out clearly. In reading the records of the families studied, it was often impossible to determine the cause of failure to take some measure which, it seemed reasonable to suppose, might have been of service to the family. In general the following plan was used in making a judgment as to the cause of failure: If the record showed attempts to get at the true cause of the situation and to take measures to remove it, failures and omissions were attributed to lack of time.

It is obvious, of course, that under all primitive conditions the neighborhood, as camp or settlement, readily becomes a full-functioning community so far as necessarily collective functions are concerned. Of these defence against external enemies was long the most obvious and pressing, and maintenance of certain kinds of internal order the next in importance. When there are few or no roads or safe waterways, no telegraph lines, almost no commerce and only rare communication with the outside world the village as a compact neighborhood, whether of ancient Italy, Minnesota frontier or present Siberia naturally tends towards the extension and perfection of a variety of community functions--of defence, policing, sanitation, recreation, worship, education and even economic production and distribution. But these same urban dwellers know well enough that neither politically nor otherwise are these neighborhoods by themselves expected to discharge collective functions. Certain kinds of defence and order maintaining functions have been transferred to the large communities of state and nation; others have been assigned to the city as a whole.

Victims of a real social revolution, the middle classes of the U.S. are passing away. The plutocratic ideal that rules this land judges wealth only by those things that can be purchased and displayed and the men and women who believe that privacy and intellectual recreation and some measure of personal service are necessities, while automobiles and jewelry and fine clothes are luxuries, find themselves becoming yearly a smaller and more contemptible minority. This is "The Plight of the Genteel," as depicted in tragi-comic paragraphs by Katherine Fullerton Gerould in "Harper's" for February 1926. The poverty and threatened extinction of those people who in the past have furnished the country its leaders alarms none but themselves. And their only salvation lies in definitely renouncing the standards of the mob, cultivating a Spartan simplicity of life and holding grimly to those intangible distinctions they consider of most genuine worth. Under the educated, civilized exterior of the grown man or woman lies a deep substratum of infantile traits and tendencies.

South Carolina's peculiar economic system and her peculiar social structure have given rise to many difficult political and constitutional problems. The state stands related to the South in many respects as Massachusetts does to the North, as one of the fertile sources from which have spread many of the characteristic ideas and institutions of a section. Much that is typical of the South is here found in its purest and most accentuated form. Whence it comes that a study of her local history often suggests the clew to the proper understanding of the South as a section. What is more, her local experience throws an interesting light on the stand that she took on national issues. To understand this uniqueness and peculiarity social scientists go back to the material and human sources and forces from which mined the size and type of farms and therefore the economic, social and political status of their owners and their chief interests. And most important of all, they sprang — the climate, soil, rivers, harbors, which made the raising of indigo, rice and cotton possible and profitable.

More than any other American sociologist, Albion W. Small has mediated the results of European scholarship. The intellectual world is now one society. No nation would have had anything approaching its present scientific development without the collaboration of the scientists of different nations. Indeed, science as a national phenomenon is unthinkable. It is a part of the life of "the great society." In order to understand the development of the intellectual attitudes that have characterized the life work of Small and how he came to be so important a mediator between the scholarship of Europe and the U.S., it is necessary to sketch briefly some of the events of his career. Born May 11, 1854, at Buckfield, Maine, he graduated from Colby College in 1876. Already as a student he showed the fondness for telling phrases and the gift for constructing them which has always characterized his speech and writing. For the three years ending in 1879 he was a student at Newton Theological Seminary.

The article presents information on Lester Frank Ward, master of social science. Great pioneer in the development of sociology on this side of the Atlantic, he was often referred to in his later years as the Nestor of American sociologists, while his comprehensive knowledge and his scientific method make him an admirable approach to the study of the social sciences. Few, if any, the people in the U.S. can compare with Ward in the breadth and depth of his scientific and philosophic information. In his teaching at Brown University he made his colleagues gasp by announcing a course entitled, "A Survey of All Knowledge." Aided by a chart he in the course of a year worked up from astronomy and the physical sciences, into the organic and the psychic, and closed with an exposition of the laws and principles basal to sociology and a discussion of its numerous sub-divisions. Throughout he emphasized a monistic and synthetic explanation of the field of knowledge with hints here and there as to the trend of future investigations. This remarkable fund of knowledge on his part was the result of the study and meditation of a full half centaury, during which he devoted, in his leisure time, all the energy of his mind to scientific study and investigation and to the expression of his thought a in numerous writings.