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Racism contributes to health inequities faced by people of colour and marginalised groups. Despite widespread recognition of the impacts of racism, mitigating strategies and legislation have been largely unsuccessful. Research into racism in healthcare has mostly examined personal experiences of healthcare workers and patients, assuming that the definitions of racism and race are similarly understood by all. However, ethnicity and race are often conflated, and racism seen as primarily interpersonal and ahistorical. This paper explores hospital employee understandings of racism, its impacts and how to reduce it. Forty-nine staff within one Australian hospital participated in individual qualitative interviews regarding the definition, impact, and ways of reducing racism. Interviews were analysed with a reflexive thematic analytic approach using a Postcolonial framework. Participants described racism as being experienced by marginalised groups of people in Australia. They identified that racism has detrimental effects on health and wellbeing. Not all were clear regarding what constituted racism: it was not described as an ideology created to justify colonial distribution of power and resources. Some thought that racism was individual prejudice while others noted it was also structural in nature. Participants commonly defined race as involving physical or cultural differences, suggesting that discredited historical and colonial concepts of race continue in Australian society. While many felt that education was the best way to reduce racism and its impacts, some participants noted that being educated did not necessarily change racist behaviour. The lack of accurate understanding of the concept of race and racism likely contributes to the relatively poor effect of current strategies to combat racism. As an initial part of deeper systemic anti-racist reform, this research supports calls for anti-racist education to clarify the definition of racism as an ideology. • Participants understood the detrimental impacts of racism in healthcare. • Participants showed unclear understandings of racism and its causes. • Anti-racist strategies must define race and racism, and acknowledge their history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion-based LGBTQA + conversion practices frame all people as potential heterosexuals whose gender aligns with their birth sex (in a cisgender binary model of male and female sexes). Deviation from this heterosexual cisgender social identity model is cast as curable 'sexual brokenness'. However, research shows conversion practices are harmful, and particularly associated with increased experiences of abuse, mental health diagnoses, and suicidality. This paper explores their contribution to the particular harms of moral injury and religious trauma, drawing firstly on the foundational moral injury literature to offer a unique conceptual framework of spiritual harm and moral injury, and secondly on a rare qualitative 2016–2021 study of the spiritual harms reported in semi-structured interviews of 42 survivors of LGBTQA + change and suppression practices in Australia. The paper examines the survivors' support needs around the nature and extent of religious trauma and moral injury, to inform services working towards supporting their recovery from such experiences and their resolution of conflicts deeply bound in their sense of self and belonging. It argues that impairment of conversion survivors' relationships with religious communities, and religious self-concepts, point to the need for additional improvements in pastoral practice. • Research shows a globally common range of religion-based LGBTQA + conversion practices. • Spiritual harms associated with conversion practices have not yet been investigated. • Coercion in conversion practices was linked to stronger religious trauma responses. • Complicity in experiences of conversion practices was closely linked to moral injury. • Attending to spiritual and cultural factors will aid in survivors' recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological studies of the complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) occupations have documented the professionalisation strategies these groups use to establish boundaries between themselves and their competitors, including seeking educational accreditation and statutory regulation/licensure. Chiropractic has been particularly successful at professionalising and in Australia and the UK it is taught within public universities. Recent events have threatened chiropractic's university foothold, however, showing that professionalisation needs to be understood as an ongoing process of negotiation. Based on interviews with chiropractors in Australia and the UK, this paper examines the professionalisation strategies deployed by chiropractors within and outside of the university. Highly divergent strategies are identified across different sectors of the profession, relating to defining the chiropractic paradigm, directing education and constructing professional identity. In each domain, chiropractic academics tended to prioritise building the evidence base and becoming more aligned with medicine and other allied health professions. Although some practitioners supported this agenda, others strove to preserve chiropractic's vitalistic philosophy and professional distinction. Following Bourdieu, these intra-professional struggles are interpreted as occurring within a field in which chiropractors compete for different forms of capital, pulled by two opposing poles. The differing orientations and strategies pursued at the two poles of the field point to a number of possible futures for this CAM profession, including a potential split within the profession itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Effective obesity prevention requires a synergistic mix of population-level interventions including a strong role for government and the regulation of the marketing, labelling, content and pricing of energy-dense foods and beverages. In this paper we adopt the agenda of the Australian Federal Government (AFG) as a case study to understand the factors generating or hindering political priority for such ‘regulatory interventions’ between 1990 and 2011. Using a theoretically-guided process tracing method we undertook documentary analysis and conducted 27 interviews with a diversity of actors involved in obesity politics. The analysis was structured by a theoretical framework comprising four dimensions: the power of actors involved; the ideas the actors deploy to interpret and portray the issue; the institutional and political context; and issue characteristics. Despite two periods of sustained political attention, political priority for regulatory interventions did not emerge and was hindered by factors from all four dimensions. Within the public health community, limited cohesion among experts and advocacy groups hampered technical responses and collective action efforts. An initial focus on children (child obesity), framing the determinants of obesity as ‘obesogenic environments’, and the deployment of ‘protecting kids’, ‘industry demonization’ and ‘economic costs’ frames generated political attention. Institutional norms within government effectively selected out regulatory interventions from consideration. The ‘productive power’ and activities of the food and advertising industries presented formidable barriers, buttressed by a libertarian/neolibertarian rhetoric emphasizing individual responsibility, a negative view of freedom (as free from ‘nanny-state’ intervention) and the idea that regulation imposes an unacceptable cost on business. Issue complexity, the absence of a supportive evidence base and a strict ‘evidence-based’ policy-making approach were used as rationales to defer political priority. Overcoming these challenges may be important to future collective action efforts attempting to generate and sustain political priority for regulatory interventions targeting obesity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over twenty years there have been calls for greater ‘consumer’ participation in health decision-making. While it is recognised by governments and other stakeholders that ‘consumer’ participation is desirable, barriers to meaningful involvement nonetheless remain. It has been suggested that the reifying of ‘evidence-based policy’ may be limiting opportunities for participation, through the way this discourse legitimates particular voices to the exclusion of others. Others have suggested that assumptions underpinning the very notion of the ‘affected community’ or ‘consumers’ as fixed and bounded ‘policy publics’ need to be problematised. In this paper, drawing on interviews (n = 41) with individuals closely involved in Australian drug policy discussions, we critically interrogate the productive techniques and constitutive effects of ‘evidence-based policy’ and ‘consumer participation’ discourses in the context of drug policy processes. To inform our analysis, we draw on and combine a number of critical perspectives including Foucault's concept of subjugated knowledges, the work of feminist theorists, as well as recent work regarding conceptualisations of emergent policy publics. First, we explore how the subject position of ‘consumer’ might be seen as enacted in the material-discursive practices of ‘evidence-based policy’ and ‘consumer participation’ in drug policy processes. Secondly, we consider the centralising power-effects of the dominant ‘evidence-based policy’ paradigm, and how resistance may be thought about in this context. We suggest that such interrogation has potential to recast the call for ‘consumer’ participation in health policy decision-making and drug policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a critical analysis of the impact of neo-liberal driven management reform to examine changes in Australian primary health care (PHC) services over five years. The implementation of comprehensive approaches to primary health care (PHC) in seven services: five state-managed and two non-government organisations (NGOs) was tracked from 2009 to 2014. Two questions are addressed: 1) How did the ability of Australian PHC services to implement comprehensive PHC change over the period 2009–2014? 2) To what extent is the ability of the PHC services to implement comprehensive PHC shaped by neo-liberal health sector reform processes? The study reports on detailed tracking and observations of the changes and in-depth interviews with 63 health service managers and practitioners, and regional and central health executives. The documented changes were: in the state-managed services (although not the NGOs) less comprehensive service coverage and more focus on clinical services and integration with hospitals and much less development activity including community development, advocacy, intersectoral collaboration and attention to the social determinants. These changes were found to be associated with practices typical of neo-liberal health sector reform: considerable uncertainty, more directive managerial control, budget reductions and competitive tendering and an emphasis on outputs rather than health outcomes. We conclude that a focus on clinical service provision, while highly compatible with neo-liberal reforms, will not on its own produce the shifts in population disease patterns that would be required to reduce demand for health services and promote health. Comprehensive PHC is much better suited to that task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now well documented that many of the key drivers of health reside in our everyday living conditions. In the last two decades, public health has urged political action on these critical social determinants of health (SDH). As noted by the World Health Organisation, encouraging action in this area is challenging. Recent research has argued that public health researchers need to gain a deeper understanding of the complex and changing rationalities of policymaking. This, it seems, is the crucial next step for social determinants of health research. In this paper, we turn our attention to the practitioners of ‘the art of government’, in order to gain insight into how to secure upstream change for the SDH. Through interviews with policy actors (including politicians, senior government advisors, senior public servants and experienced policy lobbyists) the research sought to understand the nature of government and policymaking, as it pertains to action on the SDH. Through exploring the policy process, we examine how SDH discourses, evidence and strategies align with existing policy processes in the Australian context. Participants indicated that approaches to securing change that are based on linear conceptualisations of the policy process (as often found in public health) may be seen as ‘out of touch’ with the messy reality of policymaking. Rather, a more dialogic approach that embraces philosophical and moral reasoning (alongside evidence) may be more effective. Based on our findings, we recommend that SDH advocates develop a deeper awareness of the political and policy structures and the discursive conventions they seek to influence within specific settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blood collection agencies face ongoing challenges in retaining voluntary donors to meet the demand for blood and blood-related products by healthcare services. A known deterrent to continued blood donation is the experience of a vasovagal reaction (VVR). However, there has been little research into donors' experiences of these reactions and the factors that influence their decision to return, which is essential information to inform strategies to improve donor return. The aim of this paper was to explore blood donor views and experiences of a VVR, with a particular interest in how the reaction influenced their return behaviour, using the Transactional Model of Stress and Coping. We conducted 34 semi-structured in-depth interviews between February and April 2018 with a sample of Australian donors who had experienced a VVR in the last seven days. Transcripts were analysed using the Framework Method. The VVR elicited various emotional responses, which appeared to be influenced by social support, being aware of the possibility of experiencing a VVR, or the donation outcome. In turn, the VVR experience affected intentions to return, with those who reported more positive experiences expressing stronger intentions. Further, donors felt more likely to return if they perceived their risk of a recurrent event as low and if they were able to identify appropriate problem and emotion-focused coping strategies. This article provides novel insights into possible ways to encourage blood donor return following a VVR. • Vasovagal reactions were associated with varying degrees of emotional responses. • Blood donor emotions affected by primary and secondary appraisal processes. • Appraisal process resulted in problem- or emotion-focuses coping efforts. • Clearly identified coping efforts increased donor intentions to return. • The donors' social environment influenced all aspects of coping process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public health scholars have increasingly called for greater attention to the political and policy processes that enable or constrain successful prioritisation of health on government agendas. Much research investigating policy agenda-setting in public health has focused on the use of single frameworks, in particular Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework. More recently, scholars have argued that blending complementary policy frameworks can enable greater attention to a wider range of drivers that influence government agendas away from or towards progressive social and health policies. In this paper, we draw on multiple policy process frameworks in a study of agenda-setting for Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme. Introduced in 2011 after decades of advocacy, this scheme provides federal government-funded parental leave for eighteen weeks' pay at the minimum wage for primary caregivers, with evaluations showing improved health and equity outcomes. Drawing on empirical data collected from documentary sources and interviews with 25 key policy informants, we find that a combination of policy frameworks; in this case, Kingdon's Multiple Streams; Advocacy Coalition Framework; Punctuated Equilibrium; Narrative Policy Framework; and Policy Feedback helped explain how this landmark social policy came about. However, none of these frameworks were adequate without situating them within a critical feminist lens which enabled an explicit focus on the gendered nature of power. We argue that, alongside making use of policy process frameworks, social determinants of health policy research needs to engage with critical frameworks which share an explicit agenda for improving people's daily living conditions and the re-distribution of power, money, and resources in ways that promote health equity. • This study focuses on a retrospective study of Australia's paid parental leave scheme. • We combined policy process frameworks to examine agenda-setting for this policy. • None of the mainstream policy process frameworks were adequate on their own. • A critical feminist lens was essential for contextualising gendered power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1978 World Health Organisation Alma Ata Declaration on Primary Health Care (PHC) emphasised a comprehensive view which stressed the importance of cure, prevention, promotion and rehabilitation delivered in a way that involved local communities and considered a social, economic and political perspective on health. Despite this, selective approaches have dominated. This paper asks why this has been the case in Australia through a multi-method study of regional PHC organisations. Interviews with senior policy players, focus groups with non-government organisations and document analysis inform an institutional and power analysis of PHC. The findings indicate that there are different interests competing for attention in PHC but that medical perspectives prove the most powerful and are reinforced by the actors, ideas and institutions that shape PHC. Community perspectives which stress lived experience and social perspectives on health are marginal concerns in the implementation of PHC. The other important interest is that of a neo-liberal perspective on health policy which stresses cost-containment, close measurement of activity and fragmented contracting out of services. This perspective is not compatible with a social determinants of health perspective and can also conflict with a medical view. The result of the interplay between competing interests and the distribution of power is a selective PHC system that is not likely to change without radical shifts in power and perspectives. • Implementation of comprehensive primary health care has been elusive in Australia. • Ideas, actors and institutions act to reinforce a medical model of PHC. • Neo-liberal driven public policy reinforces a selective PHC. • The operation of direct, indirect and ideological power reinforces selective PHC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to investigate whether the neo-liberal goal of global economic competitiveness when included alongside image-inspired social goals such as liveability and environmental goals such as sustainability can lead to policies that impact positively on health and health equity. The paper presents an analysis of the content and intent of strategic planning and transport plans from two Australian state governments. The analysis was undertaken using a thematic document analysis of each plan and interviews with agents (n = 21) directly involved in the preparation of each document. Key strategic documents formulated under a neo-liberal hegemony simultaneously provided and reduced opportunities to promote and advance health. The policies viewed goals like liveability and sustainability as means of enhancing their cities' image in global competition for exogenous capital flows. Although liveability has many definitions, one definition was able to be used in one jurisdiction as an avenue to include a broad array of social determinants of health into urban planning policy. However, a productivity or a narrowly focussed image narrative can undermine the social determinants of health credentials of liveability. Overemphasising immediate city problems like road congestion as mechanisms to enhance global competitiveness can undermine necessary long-term strategies for city planning that are known to improve liveability and human health. Even where liveability is at the fore, there is a high risk of exacerbating spatial inequities through liveability investments for competitive advantage because they tend to flow to parts of cities with the greatest connections to the global economy, not those with the greatest social need. A neo-liberal-inspired competitive city paradigm provides opportunities for the advancement of health in urban development. However, when driven by the goals of productivity and/or liveability as image enhancement it can potentially exacerbate health inequities. • Global competition has raised city image as an important policy consideration. • Liveability has become a normative planning goal due to its links with global image. • Liveability helps incorporate health objectives into urban planning policy. • Overriding emphasis on productivity can undermine health benefits of liveability. • Liveability as a goal has the potential to exacerbate health inequity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]