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This paper estimates the impact of economic insecurity on the mental health of Australian adults. Taking microdata from the 2001–2011 HILDA panel survey, we develop a conceptually diverse set of insecurity measures and explore their relationships with the SF-36 mental health index. By using fixed effects models that control for unobservable heterogeneity we produce estimates that correct for endogeneity more thoroughly than previous works. Our results show that exposure to economic risks has small but consistently detrimental mental health effects. The main contribution of the paper however comes from the breadth of risks that are found to be harmful. Job insecurity, financial dissatisfaction, reductions and volatility in income, an inability to meet standard expenditures and a lack of access to emergency funds all adversely affect health. This suggests that the common element of economic insecurity (rather than idiosyncratic phenomena associated with any specific risk) is likely to be hazardous. Our preferred estimates indicate that a standard deviation shock to economic insecurity lowers an individual's mental health score by about 1.4 percentage points. If applied uniformly across the Australian population such a shock would increase the morbidity rate of mental disorders by about 1.7%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Census-based deprivation indices have been widely used in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Canada and UK to measure area-based socio-economic inequalities. This paper examines the indicators used in census-based area deprivation indices using a political ecology approach. We question whether the current indicators of deprivation derived from census data are meaningful for the all age groups and minority groups in the population, with a particular focus on deprivation indicators used in New Zealand, Canada and the United Kingdom. We comparatively reviewed methodological papers and reports that describe the indicators of deprivation in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Canada and the UK from 1975 to 2014. We consider the relationship between the notion of standards of living and measurements of deprivation and explore how hegemonic cultural constructs are implicit in measures of deprivation that privilege a Eurocentric, ageist and gender normative construction of statistics. We argue for more political ecological analyses to studying the relationship between social inequalities, geographies, health inequities and political economy to transform structures of oppression and inequality. This requires turning the analytical gaze on the wealthy and privileged instead of defaulting into deficit models to account for inequality. Studies of deprivation and inequality would benefit from understanding the processes and operations of power in the (re)production of socio-economic and health inequities to inform holistic strategies for social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Obesity remains a significant public health concern globally with over one billion adults projected to be obese by 2025. To better understand the drivers of obesity and to inform policy, it is important to explore the factors that influence obesity. The objective of this paper to examine if the crime rates in the neighbourhood or local area in which a person lives influences their likelihood of being obese. Thus, we seek to contribute to the literature on the determinants of obesity by asking the question: what is the effect of neighbourhood (i.e., postcode) crime on obesity? We also examine the pathways through which neighbourhood crime influences obesity with a focus on the role of social capital, physical activity and sleep quality. Using 14 waves of longitudinal data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey merged with official police statistics on crime rates at the postcode level, we apply identification strategies that address endogeneity arising from endogenous sorting and omitted variable bias. We find that an increase in neighbourhood crime rates is associated with an increase in body mass index (BMI) and the likelihood of being obese. Exploring the pathways through which neighbourhood crime influences obesity, we find that social capital and physical activity are important channels, while sleep quality is not. The evidence also suggests that the effects of violent crime are more pronounced compared to property crime. Our findings suggest that targeting crime, and in particular violent crime, which seems to be driving the findings, is a core mechanism for reducing BMI and maintaining healthy body weight. The mediating role of physical activity and social capital also suggest that public policy can specifically target these areas by providing interventions that promote social capital and physical activity even amidst high crime rates. • We examine the impact of neighbourhood crime on obesity. • We use 14 waves of longitudinal data from Australia. • Neighbourhood crime increases obesity. • Social capital and physical activity are important channels. • Effects are stronger for females than males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper describes who is most likely to experience household employment insecurity and housing affordability stress – double precarity – and estimates the degree to which housing affordability mediates the effect of employment insecurity on mental health. We use a cohort of 24,201 participants in 2016 Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey (6.2 repeated measures on average). We estimate the likelihood of onset of household employment insecurity, housing affordability stress and change in housing costs using longitudinal regression analyses for socio-demographic groups. We assess mediation by estimating how much exposure variable coefficients attenuate with inclusion of a mediator in fixed effects regression models. We also apply causal mediation methods to fixed-effects regression models to better account for exposure-mediator interaction and meet strict model assumptions. If people's households become insecurely employed, there are five times greater odds of them also experiencing housing affordability stress (OR 4.99 95%CI 4.21–5.90). Key cohorts within the population are shown to be especially vulnerable to double precarity – notably single parents (OR 2.91, 95%CI 1.94–4.35) and people who live alone (OR 4.42, 95% CI 3.03–6.45) (compared to couples), and people who are recently separated or divorced (OR 2.59, 95%CI 1.81–3.70). Mediation analysis confirms that household employment insecurity has a small, negative effect on mental health (Beta −0.24, 95%CI -0.38-0.11 on a 1 to 100-point scale with 10-point standard deviation). Estimates from casual mediation analyses suggest housing affordability accounts for 20% of the total effect; likely concentrated in the lowest and highest strata of income. Employment and housing insecurity represent a form of double precarity for people in households with a single income. When we consider the impact on mental health, we find evidence of a causal relationship between insecure employment onset and mental health, around one fifth of which is mediated by changing housing cost and onset of affordability stress. Highlights • Insecurely employed households are five times as likely to have unaffordable housing. • Lone person and lone parent households are more susceptible to double precarity. • Housing costs mediate the impact of insecure employment on mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential for regulatory measures to address escalating rates of obesity is widely acknowledged in public health circles. Many advocates support regulations for their potential to reduce health inequalities, in light of the well-documented social gradient in obesity. This paper examines how different social groups understand the role of regulations and other public health interventions in addressing obesity. Drawing upon focus group data from a metropolitan city in southern Australia, we argue that implementing obesity regulations without attention to the ways in which disadvantaged communities problematise obesity may lead to further stigmatisation of this key target population. Tuana's work on the politics of ignorance, and broader literature on classed asymmetries of power, provides a theoretical framework to demonstrate how middle class understandings of obesity align with dominant ‘obesity epidemic’ discourses. These position obese people as lacking knowledge; underpinning support for food labelling and mandatory nutrition education for welfare recipients as well as food taxes. In contrast, disadvantaged groups emphasised the potential for a different set of interventions to improve material circumstances that constrain their ability to act upon existing health promotion messages, while also describing priorities of everyday living that are not oriented to improving health status. Findings demonstrate how ignorance is produced as an explanation for obesity, widely replicated in political settings and mainstream public health agendas. This politics of ignorance and its logical reparation serve to reproduce power relations in which particular groups are constructed as lacking capacity to act on knowledge, whilst maintaining others in privileged positions of knowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now well documented that many of the key drivers of health reside in our everyday living conditions. In the last two decades, public health has urged political action on these critical social determinants of health (SDH). As noted by the World Health Organisation, encouraging action in this area is challenging. Recent research has argued that public health researchers need to gain a deeper understanding of the complex and changing rationalities of policymaking. This, it seems, is the crucial next step for social determinants of health research. In this paper, we turn our attention to the practitioners of ‘the art of government’, in order to gain insight into how to secure upstream change for the SDH. Through interviews with policy actors (including politicians, senior government advisors, senior public servants and experienced policy lobbyists) the research sought to understand the nature of government and policymaking, as it pertains to action on the SDH. Through exploring the policy process, we examine how SDH discourses, evidence and strategies align with existing policy processes in the Australian context. Participants indicated that approaches to securing change that are based on linear conceptualisations of the policy process (as often found in public health) may be seen as ‘out of touch’ with the messy reality of policymaking. Rather, a more dialogic approach that embraces philosophical and moral reasoning (alongside evidence) may be more effective. Based on our findings, we recommend that SDH advocates develop a deeper awareness of the political and policy structures and the discursive conventions they seek to influence within specific settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interrelationship between suicide, health, socioeconomic, and psychosocial factors in contributing to suicide in older adults in rural Australia. Drawing on a coronial dataset of suicide cases and a mixed methods sociological autopsy approach, our study integrated a quantitative analysis of 792 suicide cases with a qualitative analysis of medico-legal reports from 30 cases. The sociological autopsy provided novel insights into the entanglement of policy and service provision at the state-level with individual end-of-life decisions. Particular attention is drawn to age and gendered dimensions of suicide, especially in relation to health and social issues. The study showed a continuity between suicide and the patterning of an individual's life course, including experiences and consequences of inequality and marginality; a desire to meet culturally–normative ideals of autonomy; and a fragmented, under-funded, and intimidating social care system that offered limited options. • Sociological autopsy applied to unique coronial dataset of older adult suicide. • Combines quantitative and qualitative analyses of data from medico-legal reports. • Age and gendered differences in health and social issues related to suicide. • State-level policies and practices intersect with individual end-of-life decisions. • Imperative of prevention creates harmful environments and consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]