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Diversity of police personnel, especially regarding representation of female and racial/ethnic minority officers, is an important step in improving positive police-community relations. Historically, both female and minority applicants have faced challenges in recruitment, hiring, and selection. By systematically reviewing literature available from 2000 to present, this paper identifies persistent challenges and programs aimed at overcoming such deficits in the United States. The studies use samples ranging from potential applicants in college settings to large police agencies, and use primarily quantitative approaches. This review identified four areas that affect hiring of minority and female officers: (1) organizational and external predictors, (2) motivations and attitudes, (3) effective recruitment strategies, and (4) screening process barriers. Recent research has only topically addressed these concerns, while simultaneously revealing significant limitations regarding sample sizes, research design, and implementation in the field. Directions for future research and implications for policy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • We examine how the composition of workplaces affects women's share of management in 195,534 workplaces from 1980 to 2005. • We use EEO-1 reports from the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and identify "tipping points" that affect women's share of management. • Regardless of workplace composition, increases in the share of non-management women predicts increases in women's share of management. • We add to the body of workplace inequality research and further illustrate the need to determine under which conditions these processes operate. Abstract This paper examines how concepts of gendered organizations, tokenism and the glass escalator affect women's share of management. Specifically, we examine how the gender composition of workplaces affects women's share of management in 195,534 workplaces using EEO-1 report data collected from the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission from 1980 until 2005. The EEO-1 data allow us to explore the effects of gender composition on women's share of management net of labor market change, industrial change, organizational determinants, and changes in workplace segregation using workplace-level data. We draw on past research to identify potential composition levels—tipping points—in which women have more or less share of management. Our findings suggest that across all compositions, ranging from women comprising less than 15% to over 85% of the workplace, larger percentages of the non-management women are associated with greater shares of women in management. Findings offer little support for the glass escalators hypothesis extended to workplaces, but once further contextualized, the findings do suggest that workplaces are gendered in such a way that tokenism works differently for men and women. Thus, our paper adds to the body of research on gender composition and further illustrates the need to determine under which conditions these social processes operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses OLS regressions to understand the relationship between household debt, income inequality, and economic growth in the United States. For robustness we use two different measures of income inequality. The results show that, for the period 2003–2012, there is statistical evidence that increases in household debt are associated with lower levels of economic growth and higher rates of unemployment. In addition, we uncover evidence that high growth rates in household debt are associated with negative growth in income inequality, likely because debt caused economic growth to slow, diminishing the returns of top earners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper examines US school rampage shootings, focusing on the period from the late 20th century to the present. School rampage shootings are thought to be distinct from other forms of violence because of the relatively safe rural setting in which most of these events occur, the lack of specified individual targets, and the number of deaths involved. While this type of violence seems to have spiked in the mid-1990s, school violence in general and school shootings in particular have occurred throughout the history of formal education. Research shows that certain elements of school rampage shootings are unique, while others do not distinguish them from more common forms of violence. For the most part, theory development is still nascent, with the most advanced explanations relying on psychological factors. Finally, interventions have generally been guided by situational crime prevention rather than theories about why violence occurs in school. This paper argues that more research is needed before firm policy conclusions can be made. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: During the past decade scholars have noted growing ideological polarization between Democratic and Republican Party elites in the United States. This trend has occurred in a party system traditionally characterized as decentralized. This paper examines whether the trend towards partisan polarization noted by scholars at the national level has affected state party systems in similar ways. Are some state party systems more polarized than others? The paper uses a classification scheme of state party systems developed by David Mayhew to try to explain interstate differences in partisan polarization. The paper concludes that states with political environments that supported pragmatic and non-ideological traditional party organizations are less polarized in the modern era than states without such environments. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper draws on theories of leadership to explain administrative problems at the United States Section of the International Boundary and Water Commission, United States and Mexico that led the U.S. President, in an unprecedented action, to remove the U.S. Section''s Commissioner in 2005. The analysis proceeds from a detailed review of the history and organizational features of the U.S. Section. While popular accounts of the U.S. Section''s leadership difficulties invoke an endogenous explanation of leadership failure emphasizing leadership traits and skills, we argue that this explanation should be coupled with an exogenous explanation for leadership failure. Focusing on the U.S. Section''s altered administrative environment since the late-1980s, the paper argues that heightened politicization associated with its changing operational environment and mission increased the structural risks of executive failure. The paper concludes by reflecting on the theoretical and practical lessons learned from the U.S. Section''s post-2000 administrative difficulties. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper uses difference of means tests and OLS regression to analyze third party and independent candidate state-level petition signature requirements for President, U.S. Senate, and U.S. House in the United States. This paper finds that Daniel Elazar''s [Elazar, D. J. (1966). American federalism: A view from the states. New York: Crowell] political culture framework has utility in explaining petition signature requirement variations across states. The paper found that moralistic states have significantly lower ballot access requirements for U.S. House races than individualistic and traditionalistic states. Multivariate analysis indicates that the presence of a moralistic political culture in a state is an important determinant of petition signature requirements. Another interesting finding is that states, on average, tend to have higher petition signature requirements for U.S. House than for statewide offices. This finding suggests that the major parties may perceive the influence of third parties to be greater for district-level offices, such as U.S. House, than for statewide offices. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Studies of conflict behavior show that states act differently based on changes in the global system. However, studies of other types of foreign policy behavior, such as aid allocation, have neglected to focus on similar system effects. This study is among the first to look at the impact of the cold war system on the relationship between recipient human rights practices and foreign aid disbursements for eight major aid donors, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Through an analysis of aid allocations to a sample of 72 recipients from 1980 to 1989 (the only Cold War years for which reliable and valid human rights data are available) this paper reveals striking and unique findings. Contrary to previous studies, it appears that recipient human rights are a significant factor in whether or not a recipient gets any aid, the so-called gatekeeping stage, but are not a significant factor in how much aid a country receives in the level stage. This paper makes three major contributions to the field. It is the first direct test of the effect of the Cold War system on the relationship between recipient country human rights and aid. It also extends this analysis to donors other than the United States. Finally, the results serve as a baseline for assessing the relationship between human rights and aid during the post-Cold War period (1990–2001) and the so-called “age of terror” (2002 onwards). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Over a decade after enactment, this paper examines the implementation of the U.S. Pollution Prevention Act to identify those factors related to implementation that contributed to, or detracted from, the achievement of policy success. Implementation is analyzed in the context of a conceptual framework which builds on existing policy implementation literature by merging top-down and bottom-up considerations [Najam, A. (1995). Learning from the literature on policy implementation: A synthesis perspective (Working Paper WP-95-61). Laxenburg: International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis]. This model connects the variables affecting implementation, allowing them to be analyzed in relation to each other. Strategic use of these linkages may also help overcome the policy “implementation gap.” The nature of the case study and findings are examined in relation to one another towards refinement of the model and conceptual generalizations based on use of the analytical framework. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper presents evidence of changes in employment and real wages in the population of divorced single women during the 1990s. Using data from the U.S. Current Population Survey (CPS) for 1989 and 1999, the paper estimates multivariate models of labor force participation and hourly wages for each year. Differences between years in employment and wages are decomposed into portions attributable to changes in measured characteristics and changes in coefficients of the models. Estimates indicate that full time employment remained virtually unchanged during the decade, and real wages increased by less than 2%. Decomposition of the regression models shows that measured characteristics in this population changed in a direction that would have lead to higher wage growth, but those changes were offset by changes in the model’s coefficients. The result is that earnings experienced only modest growth. In the labor force participation model, changes in measured characteristics worked in the direction of a modest decrease in full time employment, but again coefficient changes provided an offsetting effect. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Graffiti is often defined through the broken window theory that states areas with graffiti will be riddled with other types of crime. This concern continues at a time when some graffiti writers are gaining recognition and viewed as serious artists in certain art circles. This paper looks at US news coverage of graffiti in 2012 to investigate how graffiti is being framed in a public arena. The typical framing is that graffiti is a crime and this is justified through a civic order of worth that fits with the broken window theory. There are, however, instances of graffiti being framed as something else. The various justifications are analyzed to better understand the broader portrayal of this art form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which product liability risk contributes to the high costs of pharmaceuticals in the United States relative to prices in the United Kingdom. Research on pharmaceutical prices rarely accounts for the impact of liability risk, and none that we are aware of compares the United States and United Kingdom. Drawing on a dataset of 77 brand name drugs sold in both the U.S. and the U.K., we analyze relative manufacturers’ factory prices in each nation. We utilize several proxies for liability risk including drug litigation history, the percentage of plaintiff wins, and controlled substance classification. Importantly, under U.S. law there are no caps on the amount that can be awarded to a plaintiff claiming economic losses in the U.S. However, payouts in the U.K. are limited. Accounting for market differences and regulatory environments, we find liability risk can account for a portion of the price differential that exists between the U.S. and U.K., warranting further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though majorities of Americans express support for redistributive tax policies as a cure for income inequality in the United States, this general support tends to dissipate when the public evaluates their support for specific proposals. The dominant explanations emphasize elite behavior and the disconnect between American values and political representation. An alternative view is that this counter-intuitive finding is entirely consistent with individual values. Some people place higher priority on policy processes than policy outcomes. This paper demonstrates that conservatives think about redistributive tax policy differently than liberals. Conservative support (opposition) for redistributive taxes is based on evaluations of the fairness of processes of government that lead to economic inequality. When conservatives believe that these processes are not fair, they are very supportive of wealth redistribution as a cure for economic inequality, whereas liberal support for wealth redistribution is more outcome-dependent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically identifies the factors driving Mexican immigration into the U.S. Great Plains region, focusing especially on the role of work in the Mexican and U.S. food-processing sectors, which in the context of NAFTA-induced foreign direct investments, opens up paths for migration along occupational lines into the U.S. from Mexico. Using a unique dataset on Mexican migration, the study addresses three related questions in a series of multivariate logistic regression analyses. First, is employment in the U.S. food-processing sector associated with Mexican migration into the Great Plains region? Second, does employment in the Mexican food-processing sector predict employment in the Great Plains food-processing sector? Finally, is the political-economic context linking Mexico and the U.S. related to the formation of occupational channels linking the food-processing sectors in Mexico and the U.S.? The findings demonstrate that the U.S. food-processing sector is a strong predictor of Mexican migration to the Great Plains region; Mexican migration is strongly channeled along occupational lines from Mexico to the U.S.; and the implementation of NAFTA, a period of intensive political-economic integration, strengthens the occupational channel between the food-processing sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The accelerated growth of the Latino population in the United States has made Latinos a coveted addition to each major political party''s base. In this paper we examine the influence of ethnic concerns on the party identification of Latinos in the U.S. In contrast to previous studies, we account for Latinos’ perceptions of the political parties’ concern for their ethnic interests, allowing such interests to be self-defined. In a multinomial logit analysis of pooled data from three surveys of Latinos taken in 1999, 2004, and 2006, we find such perceptions do affect Latino partisanship, along with variables such as nativity and country of origin or ancestry. We also find a tendency toward independence among Latinos. Finally, we find movement toward the Democratic Party in 2004, once ethnic concerns are taken into account. One implication of the findings is that the party that can best persuade Latinos of their concern for their interests is the party most likely to gain their loyalties; indeed, the parties must earn those loyalties. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper examines the effect of welfare reform policies on caseload changes during 1992–2005. Using state-level panel data we estimate latent trajectory models to determine if welfare reform has contributed to changes in the trajectories of caseload growth (decline) beyond what would have naturally occurred through the passage of time. Our results show that (a) states vary considerably in both their mean initial level as well as linear trajectories of caseload changes; (b) welfare reform was responsible for the major share of the decline in caseloads; (c) the economy played a minor role in hastening caseload declines; and (d) other income support policies like EITC and minimum wage also had a role to play. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In this paper, I examine local newspaper issue coverage of House members after the campaign season has ended. While research on news coverage of campaign issues has been thorough, considerably less attention has been placed on issue coverage outside of campaigns. This is particularly the case for the local news media. Using an extensive content analysis of House member local newspaper coverage over a one-year period, I examine the nature of local and national issue coverage. I find that local issues are covered slightly more than national issues in reporting on House members. Further, members’ strategic use of press releases and the presence of newspapers’ Washington bureaus help explain whether a story will cover a local or national political issue. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Reasoning that life in the U.S.–Mexico border region is sufficiently different from life in non-border regions this paper asks whether proximity to the border has a significant impact on presidential voting. County level data from four border states, California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas, over five presidential elections, 1992–2008, are examined using a both cross-sectional and panel data analysis. The authors conclude that there is a border effect that favors Democratic candidates and that fades as distance from the border increases. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The disenfranchisement of felons and ex-felons has long served to restrict the practice of democracy in the United States. In the late 20th century, a number of states allowed increasing numbers of felons and ex-felons to vote. Previous work has noted that Democrats are often associated with extensions of voting rights to felons and ex-felons. If this is the case, what accounts for their support for re-enfranchisement? In this paper I conduct a series of event history analyses of voting rights policy changes at the state level. I argue that Democratic support was not based on expected electoral benefits that might derive from changes in the composition of the electorate. Instead, analyses suggest that would-be reformers—often Democratic, but also Republican—were importantly constrained by the ideological climate among a state''s population. Thus, policy liberalism appears to have trumped crass partisan strategizing in encouraging restoration of voting rights to felons and ex-felons. Results also confirm claims that local patterns of racial domination were relevant in decisions to re-enfranchise or not. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of housing prices in the outcome of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Based on data for the 50 states, this study postulates a multivariate model in which the impact of home values is exposed while controlling for other explanatory factors might have exerted independent effects on the Democratic victory. Results of estimation indicate a significant inverse effect of property price appreciation on Democratic votes. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Since World War II, a small group of assertive MCs have chosen to lead on foreign policy issues about which they care, without waiting on the administration to take action. Significant foreign policy innovation has been the result. From the coldest days of the Cold War to the changed circumstances after 9/11, important congressional initiatives attributable to a few key individuals can be found. Drawing on an original quantitative dataset of post-World War II congressional foreign policy activity, interviews with members and their staffs, and primary and secondary research, this paper: (a) discusses the characteristics and impact of these policymakers; (b) develops categories of entrepreneurs, drawn from issues to which entrepreneurs have devoted their attention; and (c) derives strategies of entrepreneurship drawn from the activities and avenues utilized by the entrepreneurs. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper contributes to the recent debate on the association between smoking and obesity by distinguishing the effects of smoking, drinking beer and liquor on the distribution of body weight. Using a national survey in the United States, results show that these three behaviors are correlated. Smoking is found to be insignificantly associated with body weight. These findings alleviate some of the concern about smoking cessation and weight gain. In contrast, a positive association is evident between drinking beer and body weight. This positive association is increasing over the entire distribution of body weight. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Since Seymour Lipset''s (1959) seminal article on the social prerequisites of democracy, many scholars have found a strong empirical correlation between increases in per capita income and democracy. Given this strong connection however, an important gap in the literature remains—what are the pathways linking wealth and democracy? This paper attempts to establish the validity of one of the possible paths by testing the three-fold relationship between per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP), unconventional political participation and democratic consolidation. Despite finding a strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the consolidation of democracy, this research reveals that unconventional political participation is not mediating this effect. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper illuminates significant intra-group variations in the gender ideologies of conservative Christians in the United States. Between the 1970s and the present, both conservative Christian men and women have become increasingly accepting of women''s roles in politics and women''s participation in the workforce. Religiously conservative women have become more opposed to sexual freedoms and abortion rights. Religiously conservative men have become less opposed over time to sexual freedoms and have not changed with regard to abortion ideology. In general, for both men and women, conservative Christians who are older, attend church services more often and have less education tend to be more conservative in their gender ideologies. For females only, higher incomes lead to less conservative gender ideologies, and living in the southern region of the United States tends to decrease their support for female politicians. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: What explains President Bush''s increased vote in the State of Florida in the 2004 election? A common perception is that implementation of electronic voting machines and a surge in GOP registration increased Bush''s vote margins relative to the 2000 election. In this paper we offer an alternative explanation: massive Puerto Rican immigration combined with successful Republican mobilization of this group explains about 14% of the increase in Bush''s margin of victory—approximately 50,000 votes. Scholars’ failure to account for intra-ethnic diversity, by employing a “panethnic” approach that treats Latinos as having identical political preferences, leads scholars to overlook the important role of Hispanic subconstituencies in the 2004 election. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The use of height data to measure living standards is now a well-established method in economics and the social sciences. However, there are still some populations, places, and times for which anthropometric evidence remains thin. One example is 19th century Mexicans born in Mexico and in the American West. This paper demonstrates that the statures of 19th century Mexicans born in Mexico remained approximately constant, while the statures of Mexicans born in the U.S. increased by nearly 4cm, indicating that although the two groups shared a common genetic background, their cumulative biological living conditions differed markedly. The BMIs of Mexicans born in Mexico remained constant, and the BMIs of Mexicans born in the U.S. were high initially but rapidly converged in the late 19th century. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: University diversity policy in the past two decades has shifted from rationales that focused on social justice to ones that emphasize educational excellence [Lipson, D. (2007, Fall). Embracing diversity: The institutionalization of affirmative action as diversity management at UC-Berkeley, UT-Austin, and UW-Madison. Law & Social Inquiry, 32(4), 985–1026; Moreno, J. F., Smith, D. G., Parker, S., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., & Teraguchi, D. H. (2006). Using multiple lenses: An examination of the economic and racial/ethnic diversity of college students. Report from the James Irvine Foundation Campus Diversity Initiative; Moses, M. S., & Chang, M. J. (2006). Toward a deeper understanding of the diversity rationale. Educational Researcher, 35(1), 6–11; Skrenty, J. D. (2002). The minority rights revolution. Princeton University Press]. The consensus among diversity scholars is that this shift has taken place as a result of Federal court decisions restricting the use of affirmative action in admissions. This paper sheds new light on these shifts in rationale by proposing a new theory of frame evolution. I developed this, an extension to Snow et al.’s [Snow, D. A., et al. (1986). Frame alignment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation. American Sociological Review, 51(4), 464–481] theory of frame alignment, as a way to show how policy discourses evolve to accommodate changing demands. I argue that policy frames tend to evolve in a sequential pattern of accommodation, consolidation, and bridging. In-depth interview data with 41 diversity advocates at four public universities in the United States reveal three stages in the frame evolution process: the first motivated by a need to accommodate existing institutional norms, the second motivated by a need to build a core constituency of supporters, and the third with the aim of converting those “on the fence” into policy supporters. In the case of higher education diversity policy, the three stages equate to a maintenance frame, a social justice frame, and an excellence frame. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: America''s changing civic universe has been the focus of great attention in recent years. A debate has ensued over what kinds of organizations made the United States a “nation of joiners.” Communitarian and social capital theorists assert that local organizations both anchored civic life in the U.S. in years past and hold the key to its future. Skocpol, on the other hand, insists that translocal organizations have historically proven most beneficial to democracy. This paper uses contemporary data to examine the merits of local, translocal, and national voluntary groups from the perspective of promoting civic and political engagement. Findings suggest that while strictly national organizations have few redeeming qualities, local and translocal groups promote civic engagement equally well. On this basis, the debate between Skocpol and the social capitalists and communitarians seems overblown. When it comes to the promotion of political engagement, however, translocal groups outperform their local counterparts. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper is a longitudinal analysis of the impacts of spontaneous volunteerism on those who responded to emergency needs immediately following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City. Our qualitative study investigates the long-term implications for the volunteers who participated in a myriad of helping behaviors ranging from working on the bucket brigade to serving food to rescue workers to working as translators for victims’ families. This project consists of two waves of data collection. The first set of in-depth interviews with 23 volunteers was conducted in the weeks following the attacks in the fall of 2001. In the second wave of interviews over 3 years later, we interviewed 20 volunteers, nearly half of whom were original respondents in the first wave. Through our analysis, we found that taking action facilitated meaningful therapeutic recovery from feelings of victimization following the event. In addition to the apparent long-term impact on personal healing, the opportunity to volunteer had lasting impacts on self-concept that translated to significant changes in life choices. The second wave of research also reveals that the experience of action impacted the volunteers’ community sentiment by fostering new levels of identification with and affinity for members of their community. In addition, community response work in the aftermath of a disaster appeared to increase community engagement in non-disaster times. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper examines the relationship between assimilation and discriminatory practices encountered by Hispanic-Americans. Theories of intergroup relations have typically assumed that as members of minority ethnic groups assimilate to a dominant group, they perceive and experience lower degrees of discrimination directed against them. In reviewing theories of majority–minority relations, we have called this the “assimilationist” model. This view has been opposed by some scholars who argue that as minority ethnics assimilate and become more knowledgeable of the larger society, they perceive and experience higher levels of discrimination against them and their group. We have termed this the “conflict model” of interethnic relations. Using data from the 2002 National Survey of Latinos, conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center, we test opposing hypotheses based on these two models. Our findings, while exploratory, largely support the assimilationist model, with a few contradictory results. We discuss these findings and their implications for understanding the current situation of Hispanics in the United States. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The two primary objectives of the paper are to develop a more complete and precise profile of the educational experiences of national political leaders and to use that profile to illuminate several significant aspects of the American educational system and process. The universe of the study consists of 578 presidents, vice-presidents, cabinet members, Supreme Court Justices, and congressional leaders in office from the beginning of the first full Truman administration in early 1949 through the end of the second Clinton administration in early 2001. Among the principal conclusions are that a graduate or professional degree is a prerequisite for attaining high-public office and that political elites are more extensively, but less exclusively, educated than top leaders of other sectors of American society. Twelve American universities, and one foreign institution, have had a consistently disproportionate impact on elite education for a long period of time. Having a law school significantly enhances an institution''s contribution to elite education. The training of the American political elite is characterized by both institutional pluralism and homogeneity. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper examines the perceived relationship between the presence and growth of the offshore oil industry in Louisiana and patterns of social disruption, particularly crime. Interview data were obtained from long-time residents in the coastal region of Louisiana, and a social constructionist perspective was used to frame the perceptions of these individuals (N =94). Much previous research on the effects offshore oil development and its cyclical expansion and contraction has been premised on a boom/bust social impact model reflecting the experience of resource extraction in communities in the Western United States. In contrast to this literature, we found our subjects perceived far less in the way of disorganizing effects of oil development, and for the most part suggested the impacts to be either benign or positive. There was little support for a boom/bust model of community disruption, and thus we suggest research in this area consider alternative paradigms of interpretation of social impact. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper analyzes longitudinal data on earnings inequality and mobility for young, year-round full-time wage and salary workers in the United States. In general, we find that although real earnings across quintiles increased during the 1990s, earnings inequality continued to grow and upward earnings mobility declined slightly during the decade. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Previous research indicates that local industry composition significantly influences unemployment in the American Rust Belt. This paper uses a dual market model to compare evolutions of structural joblessness in German regions with those of a Rust Belt area in the United States. Results indicate that German labor markets exhibit both intriguing similarities and differences to the US benchmark case. In particular, the contrasts between the two areas highlight the less distinct labor supply flexibility of Western European labor markets as demonstrated by unemployment responses to changes in regional employment prospects. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper traces the introduction of female circumcision into the Americas from Africa, from the time of the Atlantic slave trade to the present. It provides a review of the literature on the subjects of slavery, slave fertility and sexuality, slave medicine, as well as a review of current laws passed in the United States related to female circumcision. Interview material with a recent African immigrant to the United States who brings her ritual practice with her, documents an example of present-day circumcision practices in the United States. Various factors leading to the continuation or discontinuation of traditional African practices will be discussed. The desire for cultural and ethnic continuation of this practice exists among some individuals and groups amidst the controversy within the United States concerning “genital mutilation” and “genital cutting.” Medical, legal, sexological, historical, anthropological, and traditional African tribal consultation was provided for this research, adding a cross-disciplinary perspective to this topic of current interest. Graphs, maps, and anatomical illustrations provide pictorial support. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this paper we seek to explain the activity presidential position taking on roll call votes in the House. Position taking may help presidents pursue their policy agendas, but time and available resources constrain their ability to take positions. Even though position taking is a discretionary presidential action, it occurs in the legislative arena and, thus, presidents must consider elements in both institutions as well as outside conditions when making this decision. Accordingly, we posit a multiple perspectives approach to explain the number of presidential positions on votes in the House. Our multivariate two-stage least squares regression reveals that variables from all three environments (executive, legislative and exogenous) within our multiple perspectives approach are necessary to adequately explain presidential position taking overall and when divided according to domestic and foreign policy positions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Recent economic growth and in-migration have led to an interesting patchwork of rapidly growing counties in the United States. This paper identifies 299 U.S. counties that were growing at least 70% from 1970 to 1990, a rate greater than one standard deviation above the mean of all counties. Using a k-means cluster algorithm, seven distinct types of rapidly growing counties, with meaningful spatial patterns, were found. Four of these clusters were primarily urban: smaller fast-growing cities in the south, large sunbelt cities, as well as both white and blue-collar suburban counties ringing many of the more dynamic metropolitan regional centers of the country. Also, there were two predominately rural clusters: retirement counties and several counties in the Intermontane West characterized by environmental amenities and isolated growth. Lastly, we observed a distinct cluster of several Hispanic counties in the southwest primarily along the U.S.–Mexico border. We believe these seven clusters present a remarkably clear portrait of the significant forces underlying the rapid growth of counties in the United States. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The literature concerning political action committee (PAC) influence over congressional roll-call decisions offers mixed findings. Some studies find strong effects, others weak effects, while some detect no PAC impact on congressional roll-call voting. These mixed results imply that PAC influence might vary across contexts and perhaps interact with other variables. In this paper, we suggest that PAC influence might vary with two contexts. First, we hypothesize that PAC influence will vary with chamber, and in particular, PAC effects will be stronger in the House than in the Senate. Second, we hypothesize that PAC effects will be stronger in policy subsystems than at the macropolitical level. We test these hypotheses with the votes on the 1992 Cable Television Reregulation Act. The fact that both chambers twice voted upon identically worded bills, once for passage, once to override President Bush’s veto, allows us to construct a quasi-experimental design. Results of the analysis generally support our hypotheses. We conclude with some suggestions for future research on the linkage between interest groups, PAC contributions, and congressional policy making. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]