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Objective: To determine how racial context influences school districts’ ability to raise taxes and whether it is mitigated by racial context. Method: Panel regression models are fit to a data set of 293 parcel tax measures and 967 California school districts from 1997 to 2010, including data on the racial composition of enrolled students, the district population, and the school board, with controls for features of the policy and the social, political, and economic context. Results: School boards were least likely to propose new parcel taxes where there was a high percentage of Latinx students or a large gap between the percentage of white students and the percentage of white residents 65 and older. Once a tax was proposed, these and other measures of racial context had no measurable influence on the propensity of voters to approve it. Policy design influenced outcomes, but not by mitigating racial context. Conclusion: Racial context affects whether school districts propose new taxes.

Objectives: Previous general population survey research has found that, relative to monetary incentives, altruistic appeals are ineffective in increasing survey response and that offering additional monetary incentives is always desirable. We consider an alternative population—a pro-social population—and ask whether these same conclusions apply. Methods: To evaluate the relative effectiveness of different incentive strategies, we randomly assign individuals to one of five conditions. We consider altruistic incentives (a narrative appeal or a charitable donation) and monetary incentives (three separate lotteries). Results: Among pro-social individuals, “less is more”: altruistic appeals are just as effective, if not more effective, than costly monetary incentives. Moreover, the simplest lottery structure (fewer large-payoff prizes) is the most cost effective of the lotteries. Conclusions: The target population of interest matters when designing survey incentive strategies. Moreover, increasing the incentives budget is not always beneficial.

Objectives: Previous general population survey research has found that, relative to monetary incentives, altruistic appeals are ineffective in increasing survey response and that offering additional monetary incentives is always desirable. We consider an alternative population—a pro-social population—and ask whether these same conclusions apply. Methods: To evaluate the relative effectiveness of different incentive strategies, we randomly assign individuals to one of five conditions. We consider altruistic incentives (a narrative appeal or a charitable donation) and monetary incentives (three separate lotteries). Results: Among pro-social individuals, “less is more”: altruistic appeals are just as effective, if not more effective, than costly monetary incentives. Moreover, the simplest lottery structure (fewer large-payoff prizes) is the most cost effective of the lotteries. Conclusions: The target population of interest matters when designing survey incentive strategies. Moreover, increasing the incentives budget is not always beneficial.

ObjectiveWe analyze changes in test score gaps between Black students and their peers from 1979 to 2010 and examine how observable factors contribute to the gap.MethodsUsing meta-regression, we examine the relationship between African American racial status and achievement in United States K-12 education in 165 published studies.ResultsThe absolute relationship between Black status and achievement decreased during the 1980s and early 1990s, but was stagnant from the late 1990s through 2010. Socioeconomic status explained more than half of the gap, and the influence of socioeconomic status on the gap did not changed significantly over time. Schooling characteristics explained relatively little of the gap, but school-level factors increased in importance over time.ConclusionsBlack test score gap closure stagnated in an era when federal education policy sought to close racial achievement gaps. Observable factors explain more of the gap than has been previously recognized.

ObjectiveWe analyze changes in test score gaps between Black students and their peers from 1979 to 2010 and examine how observable factors contribute to the gap.MethodsUsing meta-regression, we examine the relationship between African American racial status and achievement in United States K-12 education in 165 published studies.ResultsThe absolute relationship between Black status and achievement decreased during the 1980s and early 1990s, but was stagnant from the late 1990s through 2010. Socioeconomic status explained more than half of the gap, and the influence of socioeconomic status on the gap did not changed significantly over time. Schooling characteristics explained relatively little of the gap, but school-level factors increased in importance over time.ConclusionsBlack test score gap closure stagnated in an era when federal education policy sought to close racial achievement gaps. Observable factors explain more of the gap than has been previously recognized.

ObjectiveWe analyze changes in test score gaps between Black students and their peers from 1979 to 2010 and examine how observable factors contribute to the gap.MethodsUsing meta-regression, we examine the relationship between African American racial status and achievement in United States K-12 education in 165 published studies.ResultsThe absolute relationship between Black status and achievement decreased during the 1980s and early 1990s, but was stagnant from the late 1990s through 2010. Socioeconomic status explained more than half of the gap, and the influence of socioeconomic status on the gap did not changed significantly over time. Schooling characteristics explained relatively little of the gap, but school-level factors increased in importance over time.ConclusionsBlack test score gap closure stagnated in an era when federal education policy sought to close racial achievement gaps. Observable factors explain more of the gap than has been previously recognized.

Objectives: To evaluate the impact of protests on Latinos' perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans. We hypothesize that the reinforcement and politicization of in-group identities leads to greater identification and sense of commonality with other marginalized racial/ethnic groups. Methods: This study utilizes geocoded Latino National Survey data combined with an expanded protest event data set to estimate the effect of temporal and spatial proximity to immigrant rights protests on Latinos' perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans using ordered logistic regression models. Results: The findings suggest that respondents' proximity to marches had a positive impact on Latino perceptions of commonality with African Americans. The results also show that proximity to protests did not lead to an increase in feelings of competition with African Americans except in the case of electoral representation. Conclusions: Examining temporal and spatial effects of protests improves our understanding of how protests can influence public opinion and how protests can influence identities and group relations.

Objectives: To evaluate the impact of protests on Latinos' perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans. We hypothesize that the reinforcement and politicization of in-group identities leads to greater identification and sense of commonality with other marginalized racial/ethnic groups. Methods: This study utilizes geocoded Latino National Survey data combined with an expanded protest event data set to estimate the effect of temporal and spatial proximity to immigrant rights protests on Latinos' perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans using ordered logistic regression models. Results: The findings suggest that respondents' proximity to marches had a positive impact on Latino perceptions of commonality with African Americans. The results also show that proximity to protests did not lead to an increase in feelings of competition with African Americans except in the case of electoral representation. Conclusions: Examining temporal and spatial effects of protests improves our understanding of how protests can influence public opinion and how protests can influence identities and group relations.

Objective: The U.S. government continues to deport large numbers of undocumented Latino immigrants. We address the likely effects of these policies on Latino partisanship. Methods: We use a survey experiment to test the effects of information about mass deportations on partisan evaluations among young second-generation Latinos. Results: Young U.S.-born Latinos view the Democratic Party as less welcoming when informed that deportations have been higher under President Obama than under his predecessor. Because most young U.S.-born Latinos are either weak partisans or political independents, there is wide scope for information effects among these potential voters. Conclusion: Mass deportation policies have the potential to reshape the partisanship and politics of Latinos for years to come.

Objective: The U.S. government continues to deport large numbers of undocumented Latino immigrants. We address the likely effects of these policies on Latino partisanship. Methods: We use a survey experiment to test the effects of information about mass deportations on partisan evaluations among young second-generation Latinos. Results: Young U.S.-born Latinos view the Democratic Party as less welcoming when informed that deportations have been higher under President Obama than under his predecessor. Because most young U.S.-born Latinos are either weak partisans or political independents, there is wide scope for information effects among these potential voters. Conclusion: Mass deportation policies have the potential to reshape the partisanship and politics of Latinos for years to come.

Objective: We use nationally representative survey experiments to assess public opinion about how President Obama should have identified himself racially on the 2010 Census. Methods: Respondents were randomly assigned to three conditions-a control, a treatment that described the president's biracial ancestry, and a treatment that combined the biracial ancestry information with a statement that Obama had in fact classified himself as black only. All respondents were then asked how they felt Obama should have filled out his Census form. Results: A clear majority of Americans in all experimental conditions said that Obama should have identified himself as both black and white. Conclusion: There appears to be suggesting robust acceptance of official multiracial identification despite the cultural and legal legacy of the "one drop of blood" rule in official U.S. race categorization. A subsequent survey experiment found that a convenience sample of Americans support multiracial identification for mixed-race individuals generally and not only for the president.

Objective: We use nationally representative survey experiments to assess public opinion about how President Obama should have identified himself racially on the 2010 Census. Methods: Respondents were randomly assigned to three conditions-a control, a treatment that described the president's biracial ancestry, and a treatment that combined the biracial ancestry information with a statement that Obama had in fact classified himself as black only. All respondents were then asked how they felt Obama should have filled out his Census form. Results: A clear majority of Americans in all experimental conditions said that Obama should have identified himself as both black and white. Conclusion: There appears to be suggesting robust acceptance of official multiracial identification despite the cultural and legal legacy of the "one drop of blood" rule in official U.S. race categorization. A subsequent survey experiment found that a convenience sample of Americans support multiracial identification for mixed-race individuals generally and not only for the president.

Objective: The objective of this study was to assess the impact of day laborer worker centers on the hourly wages earned by day laborers. Methods: Using data from the National Day Labor Survey, a two-step method was estimated to measure the wage impacts of day labor worker centers, and to control for endogeneity and selection bias. Estimated wages were compared across hiring sites to determine whether or not a wage premium was earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers. Results: We find a modest, but statistically significant, wage premium earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers, as well as evidence suggestive of the capacity of worker centers to mitigate market advantages associated with informal hiring sites. Conclusions: We argue that while worker centers remain the most effective means through which day labor markets can be regulated and workers' wages improved, increasing the regulatory capacity of these labor market intermediaries will require a significant "scaling up," so that they can more fully influence the larger political, economic, and social contexts in which the day labor economy is embedded. © 2013 by the Southwestern Social Science Association.

Objective: The objective of this study was to assess the impact of day laborer worker centers on the hourly wages earned by day laborers. Methods: Using data from the National Day Labor Survey, a two-step method was estimated to measure the wage impacts of day labor worker centers, and to control for endogeneity and selection bias. Estimated wages were compared across hiring sites to determine whether or not a wage premium was earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers. Results: We find a modest, but statistically significant, wage premium earned by workers who participate in day labor worker centers, as well as evidence suggestive of the capacity of worker centers to mitigate market advantages associated with informal hiring sites. Conclusions: We argue that while worker centers remain the most effective means through which day labor markets can be regulated and workers' wages improved, increasing the regulatory capacity of these labor market intermediaries will require a significant "scaling up," so that they can more fully influence the larger political, economic, and social contexts in which the day labor economy is embedded. © 2013 by the Southwestern Social Science Association.