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The article reports that the U.S. is currently experiencing one of the largest waves of immigration in its history. Mexican nationals constitute a major component this flow, although much of this migration is illegal under present U.S. law. As the number of illegal aliens increases yearly, public officials are increasingly hard pressed to reconcile the stated policy of this country with the facts of the migration. The dilemma is whether to enforce existing laws more vigorously, in an effort to stem the flow, or to recognize that the immigration will persist nevertheless and should perhaps be sanctioned and extend the protection of U.S. law to persons who are now commonly exploited. In the present instance, the problem is all the more complicated by its illegality, which makes it difficult to assess its impact on the welfare both of the native and immigrant populations. Professor Wendell C. Gordon is an institutionalist, with special interests in Latin America and international economies. In his paper he adopts an historical perspective, tracing the origins of the current migration, and argues for the relaxation of laws prohibiting immigration from Mexico.

The article analyzes merchant behavior in ghetto marketplaces. For this purpose, the article presents two position papers taking different perspectives in regard to a possible explanation for the racial-ethnic differences found through previous research. Walter E. Williams, research economist with the Urban Institute, criticizes previous articles on the grounds that they fail to suggest a behavioral model of merchant behavior and because they fail to suggest effective policy measures to modify this behavior. Williams suggests a rational behavior model: that minorities are characterized by more unemployment, higher residential mobility, and lower income, and that merchants use this readily accessible information to determine creditworthiness. Frederick D. Sturdivant, Meshulam Riklis Professor of Business and Its Environment at the Ohio State University, suggests that the economic model employed by Williams is outdated and inappropriate, that the behavioral model encourages racist stereotyping.

The article presents information on position papers on international exchange rates. International economic transactions are effected, directly or indirectly, through the exchange of national currencies. Obviously, therefore, the rates at which currencies exchange in such transactions is of extreme importance. Public debate relating to foreign trade is hardly a recent phenomenon. However, from mid-sixteenth century until the mid-1930's, most discussions presupposed either specie flow or fixed exchange rates with bullion convertibility, even when conditions and national objectives were changing drastically. Then, Henry C. Simons, in a series of essays, provided the context and one side's basic arguments for today's most interesting and lively debate. Certainly in the U.S. where bullion convertibility is no longer a real possibility so that changes in the size of the nation's money stock could no longer be tied critically, in any truly permanent and rigorous way, to changes in the size of the nation's "treasure," the crucial policy question now is what sort of exchange-rate system would contribute more to the attainment of the generally accepted and conflicting goals.

The article analyzes the status of African American women in the U.S. The relationship between sexual and racial oppression uniquely affects the African American woman, who experiences both, and who is sometimes forced to choose whether her interests lie primarily with other women or with other blacks. But despite the difficulty of characterizing the women's movement and its goals, at least one thing seems sure. As part of a general trend toward self-definition, the black woman will undoubtedly determine for herself whether and when to align with white women or black men, or whether to identify primarily with other black women whose interests may sometimes coincide with, but are not exhausted by, the more general interests of others of her race and sex.

The article discusses urbanization, social diversity, voter turnout, and political competition in U.S. elections. The argument forwarded in the paper is that as voter turnout increases in sheer numbers alone so do the number and degree of political differences within the electorate simply because more people are voting. This makes it more difficult for one candidate or party to be appealing to all voters which, in turn, should make the election more competitive. However, while some studies report a positive association between turnout and competition, other studies have reported no relationship or an indeterminate one. Moreover, these previous studies on the turnout-competition hypothesis have many of the same limitations and comparability problems as those for studies testing the urbanization-competition hypothesis. This paper also tested the hypothesis that greater social diversity within congressional districts would have a positive relationship with greater competition independently of the urbanization level of districts.

This paper investigates factors contributing to the rapid rise in participation rates among mothers of pre-school children despite their considerable child-care responsibilities. The analysis, confined to trends in participation rates of white married women from 1960 to 1970, compares women with children under six years to all married women. Thus, the paper focuses on those changes with a particularly strong impact on mothers of pre-school children. Women selected for study comprise white married women, aged 14-64, living with their husbands. Data are drawn from the 1/1000 samples of the U.S. population in 1960 and 1970. For these women, the rate of increase in participation from 1960 to 1970 was 51.7 percent for women with children under six years, compared to 29.9 percent for all women. Women are finding it easier to combine child rearing and employment, either because of changes in the type of work available, such as more part-time jobs, or because women with young children find work in the home less time consuming, and the constraint of young children has not diminished, but has been offset by other factors.

The article discusses Mexican American, Negro, and Anglo improvement in labor force status between 1960 and 1970 in Racine, Wisconsin. This paper is concerned with the level of economic absorption of immigrants (compared to the Anglo population in Racine) as measured by changes in their occupation, income, and employment status between 1960 and 1970-71. The paper utilized U.S. Census data for 1960 and 1970 in order to compare Mexican Americans and Anglos in Texas and Negroes and Whites in Mississippi with their counterparts in Racine. Statistics generated from the Texas, Mississippi, and Racine Census data were in turn compared with statistics based on the authors' survey research data. The latter were taken from a longitudinal study of the processes of economic absorption and cultural integration among samples of predominantly immigrant Mexican Americans and Negroes, whose 1960 and 1971 interview data were compared with that of a control group of Anglos, half of whom were themselves immigrants.

The article presents a paper that proposes a four step strategy for locating urban population service facilities. Although developed with regard to a specific problem, dealing with a system of public day care centers, the strategy has considerable generality and is applicable to a wide variety of situations and scales. Since population service agencies typically operate under budget, manpower, and other constraints that restrict the number and size of facilities and preclude serving the entire population, particular attention is given to applying the locational strategy to that situation. This includes illustrating the procedure by examining the need for public day care service among the poor in Columbus, Ohio, and locational options for a system of public day care centers in its Model Cities area. The total costs of implementing the locational strategy described in this paper were substantial. Those related to estimating and mapping the demand or need surface for day care service, which in itself would provide valuable information for a service or planning agency, are relatively small.

The article presents a paper that has attempted to illuminate the problem of the persistence of specific organizational forms, a problem which has received some theoretical attention, but for which few operational clues exist. A notable exception is researcher Arthur L. Stinchcombe's hypothesis stating that when organizational elite structures are compatible with the interests and purposes of relevant external elites who control the resources upon which the organization depends, then the organizational form has a better chance of survival. The example analyzed in this paper was that of a city police control system that by all odds should have died a hundred years ago. The first task of this paper was to show how the Police Control Board, gradually worked out a routine police control operation that proved to be of great comfort and satisfaction to nervous elites suspicious of the city's will and ability to keep the dangerous classes in check. The second task of this paper was to analyze the social backgrounds of commissioners in order to show that they could hardly be anything but acceptable to elites since they themselves were recruited from elites and brought an elite perspective into the organization.

The article presents a paper that summarizes the present status of output measurement in urban government--the state of the art as well as the use being made of it--and discusses briefly prospects for its use and further development in the immediate future. The paper is concerned with measurement of both the quantitative and qualitative aspects of local government services. Two services, solid waste collection and recreation, are used to illustrate problems of measuring output and how they are being resolved. An important quality factor of solid waste collection is the resulting cleanliness. To measure this output the Washington D.C. government has implemented a method of inspector ratings of street and alley litter conditions. Three general conclusions regarding the present state of output measurement in local governments emerge from the two surveys. First, most governments collect some data on quantitative outputs. Second, some local governments collect data on qualitative aspects of output. And third, the state of measurements varies dramatically by service or program area.

This paper examines fertility differentials by income among Mexican Americans, taking these problems as points of departure. The paper first considers alternative hypotheses relevant to the income-fertility relations. Then it proposes a decomposition of the income variable as a preliminary strategy for dealing with the problem of measuring income posed by the economic theory. Finally, it examines the relations between the income components and fertility, as well as their interaction with other variables, and discuss the results in terms of their implications for the economic theory of family formation. The analysis of the relations between social status income and relative income and fertility is based on data from the 1969 Austin, Texas Family Survey, which consisted of a sample of 348 Mexican American couples, married three years or more, in which the wife was no older than 35, married once, and the husband was no older than 50. The unusual restrictions on duration of marriage were made in order to concentrate on that stage in the family life cycle when couples would have had a reasonable opportunity to have had children and possibly to have considered family limitation.

This paper, which focuses substantively on the demography of the militant segregationist vote in the post-Brown years, uses the state as the principal unit of analysis and seeks to test V.O. Key's argument on an explicitly comparative basis. The significance of the topic extends beyond the question of the applicability of Key's general theory of southern racial politics to elections in 11 different states. The paper has attempted to show that a parsimonious theory of the politics of race, Key's black belt hypothesis, is still highly relevant to an understanding of southern politics. Even if attention is restricted to the size of the black population and urban-rural differences, much can be learned concerning the structure of electoral cleavages. Comparative analysis of the core militant segregationist vote within and between the 11 southern states demonstrated that consistent support for selected militant segregationists in the post-Brown era typically increased along a demographic continuum from large metropolitan centers to rural counties with high black populations. The geographic sectionalism of the segregationist vote was clearly established through maps; and most of the deviant segregationist counties were explained by variables related to the black belt hypothesis.

This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

The article presents the authors' reply to the criticism of their paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." In their paper they argued that a predominantly black army would probably not result from the shift to an all volunteer military system (AVMS). They also argued that the shift to the AVMS might actually have detrimental effects on the employment prospects of African Americans and other disadvantaged groups. The criticism of the demand side of their analysis is based on an implausible assumption that if conscription is abolished, it seems likely that the price of human capital will rise relative to the price of nonhuman capital and labor. What is dubious is the additional implicit assumption that the wages of human capital will also rise relative to the wages of unskilled labor. In fact the opposite assumption seems far more plausible. If one takes the remuneration of officers as indicative of the salaries paid to educated or skilled military employees, and the salaries paid to low ranking enlisted men as indicative of pay scales for unskilled military labor, it can be argued that the salaries of officers currently approximate the free market more closely than the wages of low ranking enlisted personnel.

The article presents information on the paper titled "Prestige and Esteem As Power Components: An Experimental Analysis," by E. Gartly Jaco. This paper is appealing for a number of reasons. It is an empirical study, but one with theoretical implications and relationships which are clearly delineated. This represents research as it should be. As an empirical test of the basic concepts of prestige and esteem, the research is not an effort to stand alone, but rather to contribute to the building of a body of knowledge relating to personal power and its exercise. As such, a number of theoretical conclusions are drawn, providing the suggestion and the basis for further research. For example, the contention that prestige sets a limit on the range of esteem a person may achieve requires additional examination of the dimensions of power and the relation of those dimensions to social stratification. Jaco's suggestion that, in a static society, personal power tends to be concentrated in prestige, while in a highly mobile society it may be centered in esteem, also deserves further consideration.

The article focuses on issues related to women and crime in the U.S., during the period between 1960-1970. In spite of the paucity of theory and research on crime and women, one fact seems evident — crime rates for women are increasing. Although the phenomena discussed here seem insignificant when compared with the more pervasive impact of male criminality, these trends in female crime should be documented and analyzed for the development of social theory. This paper attempts to document trends as well as to offer a possible explanation for the observed patterns. The data used in this analysis, abstracted from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's "Uniform Crime Report: 1970," are comparable for 1960 and 1970. In attempting to assess changes not only in volume of crime by women, but also shifts in violent and property crimes, the lack of population bases is problematic. Only those units which used the same data reporting system in 1960 and 1970 are included. Since no evidence permits a conclusion that these units are unrepresentative, they are treated as generally representative of the nation as a whole.

The article examines the relationship of a modern society to counter-revolutionary war within the context of author Sun Tzu's "moral influence." The paper will inquire into the relationships between the military institution and society, the value systems, and the imperatives of revolution and counter-revolution in the context of a developing society. On the premise that a revolutionary war is to a greater degree "political" than conventional conflicts and is more likely to be a conflict characteristic of societies in the throes of industrialization and political change, the issues involved rest on political-psychological factors rather than military posture. The fundamental issue is whether a democratic society, in possession of modem weapons and generally adequate sources of supply, can successfully engage in counter-revolutionary warfare in support of an existing regime in a developing society. These issues are much broader in scope than policy, strategy, and technology; they involve questions of values, legitimacy, and perceptions.

The article focuses on issues related to equality for blacks and women in the U.S. The relative size of a minority group directly influences the course of its progress toward equality with the majority and the consequences of this progress. Looking at the differences in comparative occupational distributions for males and females, and blacks and whites, we suggest that the degree of structural change required to incorporate blacks and females into the occupational system is quite different, based on the relative numbers in each group. Since an analogy is only a resemblance in some aspects between items which are otherwise unlike one another, the notion of similarity must not be carried too far. Specific differences which have also been neglected are discussed. The intent of this paper is simply the reintroduction of information which has been neglected in recent lines of research. Viewing women as a minority provides the framework for understanding much of the current research on women's roles and the "women's movement."

The article presents a paper that systematically examines corporate interlocks among major U.S. corporations from the standpoint of the theory of bank control. Sociologists Robert Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer have produced the latest major restatement of this theory. Fitch and Oppenheimer argue that through the concentration of banking and the convergence of interests among banks, the stockholdings of bank trust departments, the dependence of non-financial corporations on external financing, and the practice of interlocking directorates, a few major banks are able to control the policies of major U.S. corporations. Probably most unfavorable for the theory is the finding that being a bank is only modestly associated with interlocking. This fact could be made consistent with the theory if it was argued that many interlocks occur for reasons unrelated to bank control. Also detrimental to the theory is the finding that all except the very largest insurance companies interlock more like non-financial corporations than banks.

The article focuses on three hypotheses related to psychological antecedents and political participation. Following psychologist Julian B. Rotter's lead, it might be possible to explain involvement or lack of involvement with politics on the basis of a person's felt reward expectancies. Externals are politically uninvolved because they consider it futile to try to influence government by their own behavior. Internals, because they feel themselves in control, are politically involved. This link between politics and locus-of-control as first explicated by writer Melvin Seeman who described locus-of-control as an important corollary of powerlessness and powerlessness in turn was seen by him as a dimension of political alienation. Although Seeman stressed the importance of control-relevance, he tended not to determine which areas were control-relevant for the individual. Instead he designated a piori certain ones as control-relevant. The paper address to the problem of operationalizing this feature since control-relevance is of crucial importance to any political analysis.

The paper describes some population redistribution policy alternatives by examining the mechanisms used to influence population distribution patterns in the Netherlands, Great Britain and Israel. These nations were selected for study because they have public policies which, among other goals, seek to affect population redistribution and because the basic approaches to redistribution in these nations. Relevant policies in the Netherlands seek to reverse the net in-migration flow to the highly urbanized western part of the country. The British policies seek to alter long-term regional differences in population growth rates, due primarily to internal migration streams, which have resulted in the agglomeration of about two-thirds of the population in a zone of approximately 200 miles extending from London in the south-east to the Manchester metropolitan area. Israeli policies have been directed toward a reduction in the large proportion of the Jewish population living in the three major metropolitan regions of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa.

The article presents a specific hypothesis about the way in which families typically make their labor supply decisions. It describes the traditional economic model of family labor supply and a model which incorporates male dominance. The model implied by the hypothesis yields labor supply functions and testable implications of the functions. It estimates the labor supply functions and test the implications. The empirical results do not support an hypothesis of male dominance in the labor supply decision, indeed, the evidence is inconsistent with the general framework for nonwhites. The paper extends the analysis of the empirical results by examining additional labor supply coefficients. Male-female role differentiation is reflected in the coefficients, although to a lesser extent than might be expected. It is suggested that the absence of evidence for male dominance and the weak evidence for sex roles may be due to the sample selection. The model provides evidence, albeit indirect, on sociological theories of decision-making.

The article analyzes structural differentiation and continuity in the organization of a municipal government in the U.S. The relative importance of three factors shaping community development are considered in the paper. This includes the often neglected force of local tradition deriving from historical political cultures and early institutional forms, the growing power of the state in attempting to rescue an interdependent private economy from social injustice, and the pressure of urbanization on local government to provide more services and to splinter into the characteristic metropolitan mosaic. The analysis suggests that the nation-state, not the metropolitan community, is the final inclusive system and the appropriate unit of analysis for assessing the environmental determinants of organizational change in the urban community. The analysis also supports the inference that organizational change in functional assignment to governments varies over time by function. It has stressed on the importance of historical residues in the organization of city government.

The article focuses on conceptual confusion on terms such as attitudes, beliefs, norms, opinions, sentiments and values and attempts to dispel the appearance of conceptual confusion by offering a system of classification of subjective outlook terminology that may be consistently applied in all the social sciences. Constructing classification systems is a difficult task, for one must constantly balance the complexity of the surrounding world against the simplicity of description needed to understand it. This task is particularly acute when dealing with the almost overwhelming intricacies of human worldview and the classification of outlook according to hierarchy, tripartite content and appetitive-normative orientation represents an attempt to walk this thin line between over-complexity and over-simplicity. The main contribution of this paper lies not in the introduction of new concepts or in the discovery of new principles, for the ideas presented here are largely derived from the scholars quoted and cited.

The article presents data gathered in a large central city, New Orleans, Louisiana and identify a more politicized conception of the councilmanic office and a more politically experienced and ambitious type of candidate pursuing the office than previous studies of small suburban municipalities which have described the office as "nonpolitical" and occupied by amateur or citizen-politicians. Many studies have suspected a different councilmanic role in different systemic settings, especially large central cities, the limited data on councils within such cities have been quite consistent with that nonpolitical characterization. The paper provides a further diversification of research settings, one that contains a number of systemic differences from those previously studied. New Orleans is not only a large central city, but also one that possesses a more politicized, unreformed set of structural characteristics. It also provides for its councilmanic incumbents quite well, and has seen its former councilmen attain impressive political advancement.

The article focuses on the racial segregation by playing position in sports. The paper suggests that involvement in specific sport roles by members of minority groups may be self-induced, rather than due to overt or subtle discrimination by white leaders within the sport system. The socialization process for individuals in minority groups appears to have a differential pattern and outcome. That is, differences in socializing agents, social structure and group-influenced personal traits and expectations exist and should be considered in any attempt to describe and explain black involvement in white social institutions such as sport. With their entrance into amateur and professional athletics, blacks were extremely successful in a wide variety of sports, especially baseball, basketball, boxing, football and track and field. Anthropologists, physical educators and psychologists, who compared blacks and whites on anthropometric and motor performance measures, generally concluded that there are few, if any, physical differences which could account for this supremacy. Alternatively, investigators have suggested that the success of the black in athletic competition is related to either environmental forces, cultural influences, or sociological and psychological differences.

The article focuses on how black athletes cope with the dual elements of the student-athlete role. There is a substantial amount of descriptive literature which graphically details the many problems facing blacks within the intercollegiate sports arena. In spite of this store of information, there is a paucity of data on the academic success of black student athletes as indicated by their rate of graduation from the same colleges and universities which were so intent on securing the services of their athletic talents. The paper examines the graduation patterns of black student athletes in the case of University of Illinois. Black Illinois student-athletes had, as ascertained from our interviews, two basic goals: obtain a degree and play professional sports. Sixty-five percent, however, failed to earn a degree and only 14 advanced to a career in professional sports. The limited accomplishments were predictable, when viewed in retrospect. Entering the University of Illinois with deficient scholastic preparation they then had to cope with the negative aspects of the athletic, academic and social environments.

The article focuses on whether racial "stacking" in professional football is the result of discrimination. One area of discrimination against blacks and other minorities are in opportunities, salaries and other forms of remuneration. Another alleged area of discrimination is racial segregation by playing position. The paper demonstrates that there is racial stacking by position in professional football. Black positions are not considered leadership and thinking positions. A playing career at a non-leadership position is, therefore, assumed to be inadequate training for a career in coaching, providing at least one factor that keeps blacks out of this occupation. Racial segregation by playing position also minimizes the number of blacks who can be on the field at one time. It aids in achieving a quota system whether management intends one or not. Blacks thus compete with each other for a limited number of positions, reducing the possibility of racial conflict among team members and relieving coaches of decisions that might be interpreted as racist if a white player of equal or inferior ability were selected over a black player.

The article focuses on the author's response to the paper "Theories of Policy Outputs, and Assessing Measurement Error: Comments on Liebert," by Terry Nichols Clark, that appears in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Many theories, including the original decentralization theory by Clark, employ expenditures as an indicator of local effort in generating public goods, pertain to the effects of the structure and dynamics of community-based political actors working through municipal government, and are concerned in some way with all of that government's programs. Clearly, for this general paradigm, some procedure is needed to reduce or eliminate extraneous effects on expenditures by such phenomena as differential state assignment of governmental functions or functional inclusiveness. With this there seems to be agreement, as well as with the finding that the relationship reported by Clark between his measure of decentralization among reputed elites and aggregate municipal expenditures drops nearly to zero when an indicator of functional inclusiveness is introduced as a control.

The article focuses on an examination of urban mortality using age-adjusted death rates. Authors Kent P. Schwirian and Anthony J. LaGreca attempted to assess the relative impact of demographic, environmental, and social organizational factors upon differential death rates. Their data led them to conclude that mortality may be explained largely in terms of subarea differences in age structure, social status levels, and housing conditions. With respect to ecological theory per se, and more specifically the ecosystem frame of reference, Schwirian and LaGreca have made a significant contribution. Prior to their analysis there was little research on the impact of ecological variables on mortality, especially within the perspective of neoclassical human ecology. The paper aims to demonstrate that the use of a crude, rather than an age-adjusted, death rate at best confounds the theoretical issues of the causal model, and leaves unanswered any question concerning the precise empirical impact that environmental and social variables have on urban mortality.

The article discusses the effect of alternative age adjustment procedures on the analysis of urban mortality patterns. Analyses of mortality differences among populations need a single index of the overall mortality experience of each population. The conclusions one draws about the nature of mortality's correlates are a function of the type age adjustment used. In this paper housing was more important than income in explaining variations in the crude death rate and the indirect standardized rate. However, income was more important than housing in explaining variations in the direct standardized rate. Indirect standardization in itself is not necessarily enough to eliminate the compositional effect of age. Attention must be given to the extent to which there is a correspondence between the standard population's age-specific rates and those for the population studied. Census tracts, since their populations are comparatively small, are quite subject to great fluctuations in the number of deaths per year in the different age categories.

The article focuses on the relationships of information and personal characteristics to vote choice. This paper discusses one aspect of an electoral campaign, a campaign debate, by which information about candidates and their stands on political issues are communicated to the voter. A political campaign permits candidates to communicate to voters. In the process of communicating, the candidates attempt to project favorable images, discuss the issues most helpful to themselves, and manipulate symbols to elicit voter support. The media links candidates to publics by serving as a conduit for informational exchanges. As a conduit the press relies primarily on information provided by the candidates, seeing itself as mirroring events, with the result that the public is provided a bland, uniform, filling, but not satisfying diet of campaign information. In dealing with the supply of information, the usual psychological and sociological variables may be included as modifiers of informational exchanges.

The article focuses on issues related to voter registration and voting in the U.S. Of the decisions the potential voter must make, one may indeed be whether to participate in the presidential election. More often, however, the potential voter must decide whether to vote in mayoral, city council, or other local elections. Though these latter races are far more common than the selection of a president, the great bulk of electoral research has used presidential elections as the focal point. And this overemphasis is substantially magnified in voting behavior texts, which consistently disregard elections below the national level. This lack of attention to local elections would not constitute a serious problem if it could be convincingly demonstrated that one can generalize from the national to the local level. There are strong reason to believe that the findings of national studies are often inapplicable to local voting behavior. This paper focuses on one area of significant difference between national and municipal voting, the influence of registration on turnout.

The article focuses on the discrimination against Negroes and Puerto Ricans in the New York Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA). The paper is concerned with an assessment of the impact of occupational and educational differences on 1970 earnings levels of White, Negro, and Puerto Rican males in the New York SMSA. The analysis suggests that earnings differences between races largely reflect real skill differences rather than color based employer discrimination. It has been suggested that individuals within given occupations, especially in narrowly defined occupations, are likely to be of equal productivity. However, despite being rather detailed, the census occupational data are in no way sufficiently disaggregated to warrant the assumption of equal efficiency. Furthermore, within narrowly defined occupations there are likely to be productivity differences between workers as a result of differences in native ability, education, and training. Therefore, an attempt has been made to account for differences in skills.

The article focuses on the relationship between city characteristics and racial violence in the U.S. Previous research examining the impact of city characteristics on racial violence has generally failed to support most commonly asserted hypotheses, and/or has not systematically treated complex theories requiring multivariate controls. These ambiguous findings strengthen earlier explanations which deemphasize intercity differences in the condition of blacks and attribute primary importance to societal determinants, notably institutionalized deprivation of blacks and white racism. Although the emphasis is perhaps warranted, it is easy to overemphasize deprivation and racism as societal causes when such factors can be conceptualized as varying by cities. An unresolved issue, which can only be verbally addressed in this paper, concerns qualitative variations in racial violence. Those incidents occurring early in this century were characterized by white attacks on blacks and set against the background of black competition in the white labor markets of the North.

The article discusses the parameters of presidential politics in the U.S. This paper analyzes data that have been by-and-large neglected, the State of the Union Messages. The 26 Messages delivered by former U.S. Presidents Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson from 1946 through 1969 have been studied by means of a computer content analysis. Since the unit of analysis is the sentence, there are approximately 7,500 data points drawn from a 24 year time period. This data set is certainly comprehensive enough to sustain analysis. The State of the Union Messages are exceedingly useful vantage points because they are important statements of administration policy. Another point about the State of the Union Messages is that they are comparable from one year to the next. They come in January after the president and his aides have completed the intensive policy review that is occasioned by the State of the Union Message, Budget, and Annual Economic Message.

The article presents a paper that seeks to explicate the many serious obstacles to obtaining reliable and valid measures of the outputs of urban criminal courts. Given the importance and relevance of the operation of criminal courts, two facts are particularly pertinent to the measurement of their performance in comparative urban research. First, the knowledge of the impact has not kept pace with the increased recognition and importance accorded to them by society. Detailed statistics on admissions to local, state, and federal penal institutions are not available. The best strategy to use in measuring the performance of courts is to use defendants as the standardized unit of analysis. Such a choice produces the most valid indicators of outputs because in most instances researchers as well as policymakers are concerned with what happens to people rather than what occurs to descriptions of events. For instance, the conviction rate would tell the proportion of defendants convicted independent of the specific charge, it would disregard the additional charges which were dismissed.

The article presents a paper that offers an alternative explanation for the purported inability to make better use of the expanded productive capability which provides the base for an "affluent" life style. It is suggested that inability to understand the ethical questions raised by a high rate of economic growth and failure to make the institutional adjustments that would humanize the contemporary economic process derive in part from neglected but critical developments in economic thought and social philosophy. Now according to those who are critical of the life style of affluent America, it is obvious that economic activity as carried out in contemporary society does not achieve that ideal terminus which, according to the philosophic presuppositions of classical economics, ought to be the end result of such activity. As a matter of historical fact, the economy seems to have been forced into a developmental path which permits economic activity to escape its proper subordination to the "good life" of man. Theologically, one might argue that this tendency for economic activity to degenerate into a process which degrades man is but part of that tragic train of events which entered human history as the consequence of sin.

The article discusses issues related to subjective powerlessness in the U.S. The paper focuses on changes since 1952 in citizen efficacy or feelings of control over government for various sub-groups in the U.S. population such as blacks, blue collar workers, Southerners, Jews, young and old people. As with most issues in the study of social change, there is widespread disagreement on trends in citizen efficacy for industrial societies such as the U.S. Most theory predicts trends in objective powerlessness, rather than subjective powerlessness, although it is possible that trends in objective powerlessness do not match trends in subjective powerlessness. Within the U.S. at each point of observation, powerlessness does not vary much by stratum, except when education and race are used as indicators. And within the white population, some of the differences are heavily explained by educational differentials. It therefore seems fair to conclude that white subordinate interest groups are not oriented toward government as a result of what would seem to be objective powerlessness but more on the basis of their educational achievement.

The article presents a paper that examines the pretrial detention institution. The data were gathered from a pretrial institution located in a north-eastern metropolitan region of the U.S. From June 1970 through May 1971 information was obtained through observations of the daily life in jail as well as interviews and conversations with various persons involved. The focus is on patterns of and reactions to infractions of jail regulations. The jail has a legal system of its own. It has its own set of rules for guiding behavior and its own mechanism for handling trouble when it arises. Infractions of these rules reflect regularized cycles of life within the institution. It is in this sense that it becomes useful to approach the criminal justice system as a series of interlocking legal levels. Each level constitutes a society apart. Individuals are confronted with one legal system in the courtroom. They face another when spending time in jail awaiting trial. This "non-systemic" aspect of the criminal justice system is often noted when discussing its workings.

The article presents a paper that addresses the ways in which black citizens from 15 large American cities broadly assess the performance of their local economies and municipal administrations. These findings about black perceptions are part of a much larger study using a rather unique set of data and reflect the critical impact of five aspects of institutional urban life--police practices, welfare policies, employment, retail merchandising, and public education. The initial purpose of the research was to detect critical political differences between "riot" and "non-riot" cities, a task which was aborted in the spring of 1968 when three of the five "non-riot" cities experienced some of the most severe civil disorders of the entire 1960's period. The findings indicate that it is possible to uncover connections between political regimes, the behavior of municipal delivery systems, and citizen responses of confidence or despair in local political regimes. The crucial point is that the actions of city officials and delivery system personnel have substantial consequences for local residents.

The article presents information on the work of sociologist Vilfredo Pareto. The paper attempts a conjunction of the two perspectives in the case of Pareto's sociology. The first refers to Pareto's role in relation to the crisis of the utilitarian-positivistic model of social action and the second concerns the "subjectivistic" crisis of both social and "natural" sciences. Pareto's recognizing the predominance of the non-logical element in human action has counterparts, even if couched in different terms, in the works of diverse scholars. More than any one else, Pareto then endeavors a super-historical generalization. It is this effort that allows him to recognize the importance of the immutability of the domination of some men over others and also to direct attention to the cyclical nature of human affairs, precisely at a time when the fashion was the search for linear directions in human evolution. The contradictions that may easily be brought to light through a reading of Pareto are, however, the very same one find in more recent authors.

The article studies relative deprivation and participation in the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement, like many social movements, incorporated several sub-movements which utilized different types of tactics. It incorporates a variety of different patterns. This paper explores the extent to which different patterns of relative deprivation may be differentially associated with a variety of movement tactics. Relative deprivation may be one state of mind which motivates participation in social movements. Reference group comparisons may result in feelings of either relative deprivation or relative satisfaction depending upon the reference group selected. It has been suggested that black participation in the civil rights movement was a consequence of an inability to achieve at a level commensurate with societally induced aspirations. Social movements undergo changes over time in terms of goals, tactics, population base contributing support, and reactions of the wider society. These variables influence participation. It may well be the case that different types of relative deprivation are associated with participation at different stages of a movement.

The article analyzes the dynamics of access among the welfare poor. Participation in political society is often considered from the perspective of the theory of democratic pluralism. This theory, which, in the 1960's, inspired a lively debate between those who found decisions controlled by monolithic elites and those who found multiple points of decision-making, has increasingly seen the empirical grounds of contention moving toward questions of participation and access to decision-making processes by non-elites. Access has been studied by analyzing the resources of individuals, the experience of new participants, the potential for manifestation of "quasi-groups," the effectiveness of group organization, and the response of competing groups, elites, and the public to the access-seeker. To comprehend the two-sided process of access-seeking, one must examine the forces that grant or block access as well as the parties that seek access. The central problem to which the empirical study of this paper is directed is the question of how difficult it is for a newly-formed group to gain a foothold in a presumably pluralistic structure of power.

The article discusses various issues related to welfare research. One of the biggest conceptual dilemmas in welfare research is the definitional problem. A few social scientists have stepped back from empirical data and have developed a panoramic view of the welfare system or have struggled to provide a conceptual framework for a field one might term the social science of welfare. These analysts have not been content with the everyday situation. Even among those who have made important contributions toward delineating a science of social welfare there is as yet no agreement on what should or should not be included in definitions, and by implication social science analyses, of social welfare. Despite definitional limitations, current welfare research has developed substantial information about public assistance programs and recipients. Several research papers, particularly that of economists, have zeroed in on the determinants of work-welfare choices. In spite of the growing literature on recipients little attention has been given to demographic or ecological analysis. Since public assessments have accentuated speculative propositions linking demographic change to welfare problems, it would be appropriate for more social scientists to undertake such analysis.

This paper reports the results of an experimental study of the behavioral effects of student incentive payments. The present study was designed to ascertain the efficacy of monetary payments as incentives to college freshmen for surpassing their "normal" academic performance level. The study also sought to determine whether variation in the efficacy of the payments might be attributed to race, sex, income, or other socioeconomic factors. The results of the research suggest, reasonably enough, that responsiveness to the payments may be a function of the student's access to other sources such as part-time jobs. Also, males were considerably less sensitive to the payments than females. Nonetheless, the payment rates appeared to produce differences of from roughly a fourth to a third of a letter grade in the quarterly grade averages of some large segments of the test groups. Thus, while this study does not prove the efficacy or desirability of monetary incentives, it indicates that student incentives deserve further exploration as means of improving student performance.

This paper examines top institutional leadership in both the public and private sectors of society-industry; communications, transportation, and utilities; banking; insurance; law; civic and cultural affairs; government; foundations; education; the military; personal wealth; and political finance. The purposes are to develop a systematic definition of a national, institutional elite; to measure the concentration of authority in top institutional positions; to examine the extent of interlocking and specialization among institutional elites, and to describe the pattern of recruitment to top institutional positions. The study data do not really permit any inferences about interaction, communication, informal association or mutuality of interest, among the institutional elites. But it is believed that debate over the concentration of power in the U.S. will be better informed by continuing attempts to systematically define institutional elites, to measure the real extent of interlocking and specialization, and to examine the actual paths of recruitment to top institutional positions.

This article presents a study, which discusses definite income differences between Mexican Americans and Anglos. Among males 14 years of age and older in 1959, for example, Mexican American income as a percent of Anglo income varied from a high of 73 percent in California to a low of 49 percent in Texas. By 1969 some progress had been made, but Mexican American income still varied between 81 percent if Anglo income in Arizona and California to 65 percent in Texas. Necessarily, part of the difference between Mexican American and Anglo income is due to educational and occupational differences, since on he whole Mexican Americans show much lower levels of educational attainment and are more concentrated in the manual occupations, particularly those requiring few skills. To what extent then are income differences between Mexican American and Anglos males due to educational and occupational differences, and to what extent are they due to minority status? The central purpose of this paper is to examine the cost of being a Mexican American male worker after taking into consideration the differentials in occupation and education.

This article discusses the origins of Mexican American subordination in Texas. Although there has been a frequent recognition that a full understanding of the social position of Mexican Americans in the United States requires an historical dimension, comparatively little work of this type has been published; and among the papers and books in which some attempt is made to account for the contemporary position of the Mexican Americans in terms of their unique historical background, few have been guided by an explicit theory or conceptual scheme. In the course of this test no effort is made to adduce new historical evidence. The intention here, rather, is to employ well-known secondary materials to provide tentative answers to two guiding questions: First, does Donald L. Noel's theory afford a comprehensive interpretation of the events culminating in the subordination of the Mexican Americans? Second, does the application of Noel's ideas to an historical process other than the development of black slavery in the United States-the initial testing ground for the theory-suggest ways to modify and increase the theory's explanatory flower? Students of the development of the relations among the Spanish speaking and English speaking peoples of North America have long recognized the importance of the separate elements of Noel's theory.

The article discusses intelligence and student political activism. A positive correlation between intellectual ability and leftist ideology is an empirically well-established generalization. Almost all of the research on this interesting topic has utilized college students. In reviewing the literature on American student political behavior, sociologist Seymour Martin Lip set suggests that this correlation between intelligence and leftist ideology may be spurious. This study compares a sample of student political activists at the University of Minnesota with the general student population of which they are a part The original universe of activists consisted of all elected officers of all the student political organizations on the main campus of the University over a span of ten academic years, 1955-56 through 1963-64. Intelligence is one of a number of important social science concepts that elude precise definition. This paper makes no attempt to resolve the definitional problem but defines intelligence operationally in terms of standard measures of intellectual ability.