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The article reports that the U.S. is currently experiencing one of the largest waves of immigration in its history. Mexican nationals constitute a major component this flow, although much of this migration is illegal under present U.S. law. As the number of illegal aliens increases yearly, public officials are increasingly hard pressed to reconcile the stated policy of this country with the facts of the migration. The dilemma is whether to enforce existing laws more vigorously, in an effort to stem the flow, or to recognize that the immigration will persist nevertheless and should perhaps be sanctioned and extend the protection of U.S. law to persons who are now commonly exploited. In the present instance, the problem is all the more complicated by its illegality, which makes it difficult to assess its impact on the welfare both of the native and immigrant populations. Professor Wendell C. Gordon is an institutionalist, with special interests in Latin America and international economies. In his paper he adopts an historical perspective, tracing the origins of the current migration, and argues for the relaxation of laws prohibiting immigration from Mexico.

The article analyzes the status of African American women in the U.S. The relationship between sexual and racial oppression uniquely affects the African American woman, who experiences both, and who is sometimes forced to choose whether her interests lie primarily with other women or with other blacks. But despite the difficulty of characterizing the women's movement and its goals, at least one thing seems sure. As part of a general trend toward self-definition, the black woman will undoubtedly determine for herself whether and when to align with white women or black men, or whether to identify primarily with other black women whose interests may sometimes coincide with, but are not exhausted by, the more general interests of others of her race and sex.

The article discusses urbanization, social diversity, voter turnout, and political competition in U.S. elections. The argument forwarded in the paper is that as voter turnout increases in sheer numbers alone so do the number and degree of political differences within the electorate simply because more people are voting. This makes it more difficult for one candidate or party to be appealing to all voters which, in turn, should make the election more competitive. However, while some studies report a positive association between turnout and competition, other studies have reported no relationship or an indeterminate one. Moreover, these previous studies on the turnout-competition hypothesis have many of the same limitations and comparability problems as those for studies testing the urbanization-competition hypothesis. This paper also tested the hypothesis that greater social diversity within congressional districts would have a positive relationship with greater competition independently of the urbanization level of districts.

This paper investigates factors contributing to the rapid rise in participation rates among mothers of pre-school children despite their considerable child-care responsibilities. The analysis, confined to trends in participation rates of white married women from 1960 to 1970, compares women with children under six years to all married women. Thus, the paper focuses on those changes with a particularly strong impact on mothers of pre-school children. Women selected for study comprise white married women, aged 14-64, living with their husbands. Data are drawn from the 1/1000 samples of the U.S. population in 1960 and 1970. For these women, the rate of increase in participation from 1960 to 1970 was 51.7 percent for women with children under six years, compared to 29.9 percent for all women. Women are finding it easier to combine child rearing and employment, either because of changes in the type of work available, such as more part-time jobs, or because women with young children find work in the home less time consuming, and the constraint of young children has not diminished, but has been offset by other factors.

The article focuses on issues related to women and crime in the U.S., during the period between 1960-1970. In spite of the paucity of theory and research on crime and women, one fact seems evident — crime rates for women are increasing. Although the phenomena discussed here seem insignificant when compared with the more pervasive impact of male criminality, these trends in female crime should be documented and analyzed for the development of social theory. This paper attempts to document trends as well as to offer a possible explanation for the observed patterns. The data used in this analysis, abstracted from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's "Uniform Crime Report: 1970," are comparable for 1960 and 1970. In attempting to assess changes not only in volume of crime by women, but also shifts in violent and property crimes, the lack of population bases is problematic. Only those units which used the same data reporting system in 1960 and 1970 are included. Since no evidence permits a conclusion that these units are unrepresentative, they are treated as generally representative of the nation as a whole.

The article examines the relationship of a modern society to counter-revolutionary war within the context of author Sun Tzu's "moral influence." The paper will inquire into the relationships between the military institution and society, the value systems, and the imperatives of revolution and counter-revolution in the context of a developing society. On the premise that a revolutionary war is to a greater degree "political" than conventional conflicts and is more likely to be a conflict characteristic of societies in the throes of industrialization and political change, the issues involved rest on political-psychological factors rather than military posture. The fundamental issue is whether a democratic society, in possession of modem weapons and generally adequate sources of supply, can successfully engage in counter-revolutionary warfare in support of an existing regime in a developing society. These issues are much broader in scope than policy, strategy, and technology; they involve questions of values, legitimacy, and perceptions.

The article focuses on issues related to equality for blacks and women in the U.S. The relative size of a minority group directly influences the course of its progress toward equality with the majority and the consequences of this progress. Looking at the differences in comparative occupational distributions for males and females, and blacks and whites, we suggest that the degree of structural change required to incorporate blacks and females into the occupational system is quite different, based on the relative numbers in each group. Since an analogy is only a resemblance in some aspects between items which are otherwise unlike one another, the notion of similarity must not be carried too far. Specific differences which have also been neglected are discussed. The intent of this paper is simply the reintroduction of information which has been neglected in recent lines of research. Viewing women as a minority provides the framework for understanding much of the current research on women's roles and the "women's movement."

The article presents a paper that systematically examines corporate interlocks among major U.S. corporations from the standpoint of the theory of bank control. Sociologists Robert Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer have produced the latest major restatement of this theory. Fitch and Oppenheimer argue that through the concentration of banking and the convergence of interests among banks, the stockholdings of bank trust departments, the dependence of non-financial corporations on external financing, and the practice of interlocking directorates, a few major banks are able to control the policies of major U.S. corporations. Probably most unfavorable for the theory is the finding that being a bank is only modestly associated with interlocking. This fact could be made consistent with the theory if it was argued that many interlocks occur for reasons unrelated to bank control. Also detrimental to the theory is the finding that all except the very largest insurance companies interlock more like non-financial corporations than banks.

The article focuses on three hypotheses related to psychological antecedents and political participation. Following psychologist Julian B. Rotter's lead, it might be possible to explain involvement or lack of involvement with politics on the basis of a person's felt reward expectancies. Externals are politically uninvolved because they consider it futile to try to influence government by their own behavior. Internals, because they feel themselves in control, are politically involved. This link between politics and locus-of-control as first explicated by writer Melvin Seeman who described locus-of-control as an important corollary of powerlessness and powerlessness in turn was seen by him as a dimension of political alienation. Although Seeman stressed the importance of control-relevance, he tended not to determine which areas were control-relevant for the individual. Instead he designated a piori certain ones as control-relevant. The paper address to the problem of operationalizing this feature since control-relevance is of crucial importance to any political analysis.

The paper describes some population redistribution policy alternatives by examining the mechanisms used to influence population distribution patterns in the Netherlands, Great Britain and Israel. These nations were selected for study because they have public policies which, among other goals, seek to affect population redistribution and because the basic approaches to redistribution in these nations. Relevant policies in the Netherlands seek to reverse the net in-migration flow to the highly urbanized western part of the country. The British policies seek to alter long-term regional differences in population growth rates, due primarily to internal migration streams, which have resulted in the agglomeration of about two-thirds of the population in a zone of approximately 200 miles extending from London in the south-east to the Manchester metropolitan area. Israeli policies have been directed toward a reduction in the large proportion of the Jewish population living in the three major metropolitan regions of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa.

The article presents a specific hypothesis about the way in which families typically make their labor supply decisions. It describes the traditional economic model of family labor supply and a model which incorporates male dominance. The model implied by the hypothesis yields labor supply functions and testable implications of the functions. It estimates the labor supply functions and test the implications. The empirical results do not support an hypothesis of male dominance in the labor supply decision, indeed, the evidence is inconsistent with the general framework for nonwhites. The paper extends the analysis of the empirical results by examining additional labor supply coefficients. Male-female role differentiation is reflected in the coefficients, although to a lesser extent than might be expected. It is suggested that the absence of evidence for male dominance and the weak evidence for sex roles may be due to the sample selection. The model provides evidence, albeit indirect, on sociological theories of decision-making.

The article analyzes structural differentiation and continuity in the organization of a municipal government in the U.S. The relative importance of three factors shaping community development are considered in the paper. This includes the often neglected force of local tradition deriving from historical political cultures and early institutional forms, the growing power of the state in attempting to rescue an interdependent private economy from social injustice, and the pressure of urbanization on local government to provide more services and to splinter into the characteristic metropolitan mosaic. The analysis suggests that the nation-state, not the metropolitan community, is the final inclusive system and the appropriate unit of analysis for assessing the environmental determinants of organizational change in the urban community. The analysis also supports the inference that organizational change in functional assignment to governments varies over time by function. It has stressed on the importance of historical residues in the organization of city government.

The article focuses on conceptual confusion on terms such as attitudes, beliefs, norms, opinions, sentiments and values and attempts to dispel the appearance of conceptual confusion by offering a system of classification of subjective outlook terminology that may be consistently applied in all the social sciences. Constructing classification systems is a difficult task, for one must constantly balance the complexity of the surrounding world against the simplicity of description needed to understand it. This task is particularly acute when dealing with the almost overwhelming intricacies of human worldview and the classification of outlook according to hierarchy, tripartite content and appetitive-normative orientation represents an attempt to walk this thin line between over-complexity and over-simplicity. The main contribution of this paper lies not in the introduction of new concepts or in the discovery of new principles, for the ideas presented here are largely derived from the scholars quoted and cited.

The article presents data gathered in a large central city, New Orleans, Louisiana and identify a more politicized conception of the councilmanic office and a more politically experienced and ambitious type of candidate pursuing the office than previous studies of small suburban municipalities which have described the office as "nonpolitical" and occupied by amateur or citizen-politicians. Many studies have suspected a different councilmanic role in different systemic settings, especially large central cities, the limited data on councils within such cities have been quite consistent with that nonpolitical characterization. The paper provides a further diversification of research settings, one that contains a number of systemic differences from those previously studied. New Orleans is not only a large central city, but also one that possesses a more politicized, unreformed set of structural characteristics. It also provides for its councilmanic incumbents quite well, and has seen its former councilmen attain impressive political advancement.

The article focuses on the racial segregation by playing position in sports. The paper suggests that involvement in specific sport roles by members of minority groups may be self-induced, rather than due to overt or subtle discrimination by white leaders within the sport system. The socialization process for individuals in minority groups appears to have a differential pattern and outcome. That is, differences in socializing agents, social structure and group-influenced personal traits and expectations exist and should be considered in any attempt to describe and explain black involvement in white social institutions such as sport. With their entrance into amateur and professional athletics, blacks were extremely successful in a wide variety of sports, especially baseball, basketball, boxing, football and track and field. Anthropologists, physical educators and psychologists, who compared blacks and whites on anthropometric and motor performance measures, generally concluded that there are few, if any, physical differences which could account for this supremacy. Alternatively, investigators have suggested that the success of the black in athletic competition is related to either environmental forces, cultural influences, or sociological and psychological differences.

The article focuses on how black athletes cope with the dual elements of the student-athlete role. There is a substantial amount of descriptive literature which graphically details the many problems facing blacks within the intercollegiate sports arena. In spite of this store of information, there is a paucity of data on the academic success of black student athletes as indicated by their rate of graduation from the same colleges and universities which were so intent on securing the services of their athletic talents. The paper examines the graduation patterns of black student athletes in the case of University of Illinois. Black Illinois student-athletes had, as ascertained from our interviews, two basic goals: obtain a degree and play professional sports. Sixty-five percent, however, failed to earn a degree and only 14 advanced to a career in professional sports. The limited accomplishments were predictable, when viewed in retrospect. Entering the University of Illinois with deficient scholastic preparation they then had to cope with the negative aspects of the athletic, academic and social environments.

The article focuses on whether racial "stacking" in professional football is the result of discrimination. One area of discrimination against blacks and other minorities are in opportunities, salaries and other forms of remuneration. Another alleged area of discrimination is racial segregation by playing position. The paper demonstrates that there is racial stacking by position in professional football. Black positions are not considered leadership and thinking positions. A playing career at a non-leadership position is, therefore, assumed to be inadequate training for a career in coaching, providing at least one factor that keeps blacks out of this occupation. Racial segregation by playing position also minimizes the number of blacks who can be on the field at one time. It aids in achieving a quota system whether management intends one or not. Blacks thus compete with each other for a limited number of positions, reducing the possibility of racial conflict among team members and relieving coaches of decisions that might be interpreted as racist if a white player of equal or inferior ability were selected over a black player.

The article focuses on the author's response to the paper "Theories of Policy Outputs, and Assessing Measurement Error: Comments on Liebert," by Terry Nichols Clark, that appears in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Many theories, including the original decentralization theory by Clark, employ expenditures as an indicator of local effort in generating public goods, pertain to the effects of the structure and dynamics of community-based political actors working through municipal government, and are concerned in some way with all of that government's programs. Clearly, for this general paradigm, some procedure is needed to reduce or eliminate extraneous effects on expenditures by such phenomena as differential state assignment of governmental functions or functional inclusiveness. With this there seems to be agreement, as well as with the finding that the relationship reported by Clark between his measure of decentralization among reputed elites and aggregate municipal expenditures drops nearly to zero when an indicator of functional inclusiveness is introduced as a control.

The article presents information regarding the publication of the journal "Social Science Quarterly," (SSQ). The journal had an operating deficit of $21,000 in 1974 which will influence policies of the journal during the coming year and also SSQ operations. The journal has made announcements in journals like "Professional Geographer" and "AHA Newsletter," inviting historians to submit their papers to SSQ. Future issues of SSQ should be of interest to social scientists of various persuasions and disciplines. The next topical issue will deal with "Scarcity and Society" and the journal will continue to consider manuscripts dealing in any way with this topic until October 1, 1975. We are also planning a special bicentennial issue for June, 1976. An outstanding panel of social scientists will discuss the major contributions by U. S. scholars in their discipline, explain how these contributions have enabled people to better understand American society and will indicate whether or not these contributions have made for any changes in the society.

The article presents the response of the authors to the comments made by the authors Frank Breen and David Marcinko, that appear in the paper "Away From a Federal Reserve Reaction Function," published in the March 1976 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." A reaction function is a reduced-form equation and Breen and Marcinko are wrong when they indicate that it is the same as a utility function, which is a behavioral equation. The authors said that their paper used reduced-form statistical results to draw inferences about the U.S. Federal Reserve's apparently changing concern for unemployment, price inflation and other issues. If one assumes that the Federal Reserve's hypothesis about the structure of the economy is unchanged, then changes in estimated reaction coefficients will reflect changes in Federal Reserve utility or preference parameters but we never purport to estimate those parameters directly. Breen and Marcinko contend that estimating a reaction function in which explanatory variables would enter as differences between actual and desired values would have changed the absolute magnitudes of the authors' estimates.

The article discusses the model put forward by authors Thomas M. Havrilesky, Robert Sapp, and Robert Schweitzer, in their paper "Tests of the Federal Reserve's Reaction to the State of the Economy: 1964-1974," that appeared in the March 1975 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Havrilesky, Sapp and Schweitzer seem to want to judge the U.S. Federal Reserve by some ideas they harbor about desired levels. But they don't get to do this because they don't put the explanatory variables in the forms of differences between the actual values and the values that they believe desirable. If the world thinks that five percent unemployment is fine and dandy, then changes in the unemployment rate when it is at or below five percent might well elicit no response from the System. If the Federal Reserve System had the four percent unemployment, then during the period under discussion the Federal Reserve, even if it were totally gung-ho about unemployment, might not have been doing anything about it since unemployment was approaching and then dipping below the four-percent level.

Presents an introduction to papers related to sociology that appear in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly."