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The article discusses Mexican American, Negro, and Anglo improvement in labor force status between 1960 and 1970 in Racine, Wisconsin. This paper is concerned with the level of economic absorption of immigrants (compared to the Anglo population in Racine) as measured by changes in their occupation, income, and employment status between 1960 and 1970-71. The paper utilized U.S. Census data for 1960 and 1970 in order to compare Mexican Americans and Anglos in Texas and Negroes and Whites in Mississippi with their counterparts in Racine. Statistics generated from the Texas, Mississippi, and Racine Census data were in turn compared with statistics based on the authors' survey research data. The latter were taken from a longitudinal study of the processes of economic absorption and cultural integration among samples of predominantly immigrant Mexican Americans and Negroes, whose 1960 and 1971 interview data were compared with that of a control group of Anglos, half of whom were themselves immigrants.

This paper examines fertility differentials by income among Mexican Americans, taking these problems as points of departure. The paper first considers alternative hypotheses relevant to the income-fertility relations. Then it proposes a decomposition of the income variable as a preliminary strategy for dealing with the problem of measuring income posed by the economic theory. Finally, it examines the relations between the income components and fertility, as well as their interaction with other variables, and discuss the results in terms of their implications for the economic theory of family formation. The analysis of the relations between social status income and relative income and fertility is based on data from the 1969 Austin, Texas Family Survey, which consisted of a sample of 348 Mexican American couples, married three years or more, in which the wife was no older than 35, married once, and the husband was no older than 50. The unusual restrictions on duration of marriage were made in order to concentrate on that stage in the family life cycle when couples would have had a reasonable opportunity to have had children and possibly to have considered family limitation.

This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

This article presents a study, which discusses definite income differences between Mexican Americans and Anglos. Among males 14 years of age and older in 1959, for example, Mexican American income as a percent of Anglo income varied from a high of 73 percent in California to a low of 49 percent in Texas. By 1969 some progress had been made, but Mexican American income still varied between 81 percent if Anglo income in Arizona and California to 65 percent in Texas. Necessarily, part of the difference between Mexican American and Anglo income is due to educational and occupational differences, since on he whole Mexican Americans show much lower levels of educational attainment and are more concentrated in the manual occupations, particularly those requiring few skills. To what extent then are income differences between Mexican American and Anglos males due to educational and occupational differences, and to what extent are they due to minority status? The central purpose of this paper is to examine the cost of being a Mexican American male worker after taking into consideration the differentials in occupation and education.

This article discusses the origins of Mexican American subordination in Texas. Although there has been a frequent recognition that a full understanding of the social position of Mexican Americans in the United States requires an historical dimension, comparatively little work of this type has been published; and among the papers and books in which some attempt is made to account for the contemporary position of the Mexican Americans in terms of their unique historical background, few have been guided by an explicit theory or conceptual scheme. In the course of this test no effort is made to adduce new historical evidence. The intention here, rather, is to employ well-known secondary materials to provide tentative answers to two guiding questions: First, does Donald L. Noel's theory afford a comprehensive interpretation of the events culminating in the subordination of the Mexican Americans? Second, does the application of Noel's ideas to an historical process other than the development of black slavery in the United States-the initial testing ground for the theory-suggest ways to modify and increase the theory's explanatory flower? Students of the development of the relations among the Spanish speaking and English speaking peoples of North America have long recognized the importance of the separate elements of Noel's theory.