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The article presents information on the paper titled "Prestige and Esteem As Power Components: An Experimental Analysis," by E. Gartly Jaco. This paper is appealing for a number of reasons. It is an empirical study, but one with theoretical implications and relationships which are clearly delineated. This represents research as it should be. As an empirical test of the basic concepts of prestige and esteem, the research is not an effort to stand alone, but rather to contribute to the building of a body of knowledge relating to personal power and its exercise. As such, a number of theoretical conclusions are drawn, providing the suggestion and the basis for further research. For example, the contention that prestige sets a limit on the range of esteem a person may achieve requires additional examination of the dimensions of power and the relation of those dimensions to social stratification. Jaco's suggestion that, in a static society, personal power tends to be concentrated in prestige, while in a highly mobile society it may be centered in esteem, also deserves further consideration.

This article discusses the origins of Mexican American subordination in Texas. Although there has been a frequent recognition that a full understanding of the social position of Mexican Americans in the United States requires an historical dimension, comparatively little work of this type has been published; and among the papers and books in which some attempt is made to account for the contemporary position of the Mexican Americans in terms of their unique historical background, few have been guided by an explicit theory or conceptual scheme. In the course of this test no effort is made to adduce new historical evidence. The intention here, rather, is to employ well-known secondary materials to provide tentative answers to two guiding questions: First, does Donald L. Noel's theory afford a comprehensive interpretation of the events culminating in the subordination of the Mexican Americans? Second, does the application of Noel's ideas to an historical process other than the development of black slavery in the United States-the initial testing ground for the theory-suggest ways to modify and increase the theory's explanatory flower? Students of the development of the relations among the Spanish speaking and English speaking peoples of North America have long recognized the importance of the separate elements of Noel's theory.

The article presents the profiles of the differential statuses of the major ethnic and racial elements of the population of the United States with reference to a convenient norm and in comparison with each other. It also provides, a basis for conjecture about the relative salience of the different statuses for different populations, a special case of consistency analysis. The focus on racial problems has recently diverted attention from the substantial immigrant population in the U.S. In absolute terms the foreign-born population is still quite large. Admission of refugees around World War II and displaced persons under the Act of 1948 undoubtedly changed the characteristics of European migrants. These historical events are reflected in the Russian and German samples, for example, but census data do not permit us to disentangle their influence on the composition of the subsamples. In this paper, the author reports as a whole for African Americans, Mexican Americans, selected foreign born of significant numbers and for the native born of like foreign parentage.

The article presents a discussion related to a paper on prestige and esteem as power components. Power has been defined as the determination of others' behavior in accordance with one's own ends. The acquisition of power by an individual is through his role as well as through his social position. That is, power attaches in actuality not merely to the status or office but also to the individual independently of his position. Power can therefore be regarded as functionally related both to roles and to social positions. Power has, however, been viewed as either a dimension of status, or as existing separately and apart from social position. Viewed in its overall as well as its fundamental function, power can perhaps most feasibly be considered as the universal social process of which social position is one particular dimension or sub-universe. Such an approach to power readily lends itself to quantitative analysis. Two scales have been offered as components of an individual's social position. One scale of rankings, termed "prestige," is made up of the invidious value attached to the status or office. The other scale of ratings, called "esteem," is the invidious value attached to any given role or combination of roles.

The article presents a study to analyze the thirty-one Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA's) in the Southern Census Region with a population of 250,000 or more on April 1, 1960. In the thirty-one southern SMSA's during 1955 to 1960 there were more than three white city-to-ring movers for each white ring-to-city mover. For nonwhites, there were nearly two city-to-ring movers for each ring-to-city mover. For all thirty-one southern SMSA's in this study, white and nonwhite mi- grants from the cities to the suburbs were better educated than the suburbs- to-city migrants. Also, a larger proportion of the city-to-ring migrants were white-collar workers than of the suburbs-to-city migrants. Consequently, a smaller movement of lower socioeconomic status counters the heavy volume of movement of persons of high socioeconomic status to the suburbs. Thus, the exchange of migrants between the southern cities and their suburbs tends to raise the socioeconomic levels of the suburban population while lowering the socioeconomic levels of the city population. The thirty-one southern SMSA's analyzed in this paper exhibit a diversity of nonwhite migration patterns.