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This paper, which focuses substantively on the demography of the militant segregationist vote in the post-Brown years, uses the state as the principal unit of analysis and seeks to test V.O. Key's argument on an explicitly comparative basis. The significance of the topic extends beyond the question of the applicability of Key's general theory of southern racial politics to elections in 11 different states. The paper has attempted to show that a parsimonious theory of the politics of race, Key's black belt hypothesis, is still highly relevant to an understanding of southern politics. Even if attention is restricted to the size of the black population and urban-rural differences, much can be learned concerning the structure of electoral cleavages. Comparative analysis of the core militant segregationist vote within and between the 11 southern states demonstrated that consistent support for selected militant segregationists in the post-Brown era typically increased along a demographic continuum from large metropolitan centers to rural counties with high black populations. The geographic sectionalism of the segregationist vote was clearly established through maps; and most of the deviant segregationist counties were explained by variables related to the black belt hypothesis.

The article focuses on issues related to equality for blacks and women in the U.S. The relative size of a minority group directly influences the course of its progress toward equality with the majority and the consequences of this progress. Looking at the differences in comparative occupational distributions for males and females, and blacks and whites, we suggest that the degree of structural change required to incorporate blacks and females into the occupational system is quite different, based on the relative numbers in each group. Since an analogy is only a resemblance in some aspects between items which are otherwise unlike one another, the notion of similarity must not be carried too far. Specific differences which have also been neglected are discussed. The intent of this paper is simply the reintroduction of information which has been neglected in recent lines of research. Viewing women as a minority provides the framework for understanding much of the current research on women's roles and the "women's movement."

The article focuses on the racial segregation by playing position in sports. The paper suggests that involvement in specific sport roles by members of minority groups may be self-induced, rather than due to overt or subtle discrimination by white leaders within the sport system. The socialization process for individuals in minority groups appears to have a differential pattern and outcome. That is, differences in socializing agents, social structure and group-influenced personal traits and expectations exist and should be considered in any attempt to describe and explain black involvement in white social institutions such as sport. With their entrance into amateur and professional athletics, blacks were extremely successful in a wide variety of sports, especially baseball, basketball, boxing, football and track and field. Anthropologists, physical educators and psychologists, who compared blacks and whites on anthropometric and motor performance measures, generally concluded that there are few, if any, physical differences which could account for this supremacy. Alternatively, investigators have suggested that the success of the black in athletic competition is related to either environmental forces, cultural influences, or sociological and psychological differences.

The article focuses on how black athletes cope with the dual elements of the student-athlete role. There is a substantial amount of descriptive literature which graphically details the many problems facing blacks within the intercollegiate sports arena. In spite of this store of information, there is a paucity of data on the academic success of black student athletes as indicated by their rate of graduation from the same colleges and universities which were so intent on securing the services of their athletic talents. The paper examines the graduation patterns of black student athletes in the case of University of Illinois. Black Illinois student-athletes had, as ascertained from our interviews, two basic goals: obtain a degree and play professional sports. Sixty-five percent, however, failed to earn a degree and only 14 advanced to a career in professional sports. The limited accomplishments were predictable, when viewed in retrospect. Entering the University of Illinois with deficient scholastic preparation they then had to cope with the negative aspects of the athletic, academic and social environments.

The article focuses on whether racial "stacking" in professional football is the result of discrimination. One area of discrimination against blacks and other minorities are in opportunities, salaries and other forms of remuneration. Another alleged area of discrimination is racial segregation by playing position. The paper demonstrates that there is racial stacking by position in professional football. Black positions are not considered leadership and thinking positions. A playing career at a non-leadership position is, therefore, assumed to be inadequate training for a career in coaching, providing at least one factor that keeps blacks out of this occupation. Racial segregation by playing position also minimizes the number of blacks who can be on the field at one time. It aids in achieving a quota system whether management intends one or not. Blacks thus compete with each other for a limited number of positions, reducing the possibility of racial conflict among team members and relieving coaches of decisions that might be interpreted as racist if a white player of equal or inferior ability were selected over a black player.

The article focuses on the relationship between city characteristics and racial violence in the U.S. Previous research examining the impact of city characteristics on racial violence has generally failed to support most commonly asserted hypotheses, and/or has not systematically treated complex theories requiring multivariate controls. These ambiguous findings strengthen earlier explanations which deemphasize intercity differences in the condition of blacks and attribute primary importance to societal determinants, notably institutionalized deprivation of blacks and white racism. Although the emphasis is perhaps warranted, it is easy to overemphasize deprivation and racism as societal causes when such factors can be conceptualized as varying by cities. An unresolved issue, which can only be verbally addressed in this paper, concerns qualitative variations in racial violence. Those incidents occurring early in this century were characterized by white attacks on blacks and set against the background of black competition in the white labor markets of the North.

The article presents a paper that addresses the ways in which black citizens from 15 large American cities broadly assess the performance of their local economies and municipal administrations. These findings about black perceptions are part of a much larger study using a rather unique set of data and reflect the critical impact of five aspects of institutional urban life--police practices, welfare policies, employment, retail merchandising, and public education. The initial purpose of the research was to detect critical political differences between "riot" and "non-riot" cities, a task which was aborted in the spring of 1968 when three of the five "non-riot" cities experienced some of the most severe civil disorders of the entire 1960's period. The findings indicate that it is possible to uncover connections between political regimes, the behavior of municipal delivery systems, and citizen responses of confidence or despair in local political regimes. The crucial point is that the actions of city officials and delivery system personnel have substantial consequences for local residents.