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The article focuses on activities of grass roots political activists in the U.S. During this study, the nature of political activity variable was operationalized by asking each respondent to indicate whether or not further political ambition, being close to influential people, or making business contacts was an important reason why the respondent ran for the office of precinct committee-man. Then each respondent was asked which activities he performed as committeeman were most important. The data utilized in this paper were collected over a two-year period in five communities in three states. The interview schedule concentrated upon variables used in, but not tied together by, existing studies of characteristics relevant to the recruitment and activities of precinct committeemen. In general, findings indicated that precinct committeemen tend to be motivated to run for office not because they are self-stimulated but because they are pushed across an activist threshold, to exhibit low rather than high levels of political ambition, to orient themselves more to the campaign than to the organization, and to engage more often in party-aiding than in personal-aiding activities. These findings are consistent with the literature on the recruitment and activities of grass roots political activists.

The article focuses on population commission's report in the U.S. The report of the commission and the papers accompanying it constitute a remarkable document and suggestions that could, if expanded and fully translated into policy, bring a nearly optimum demographic state into being. While discussion of population questions in both quantitative and qualitative terms has commanded attention in America since even before the nation's founding, treatment of demographic matter has been circumscribed by particular premises and objectives which have never, at least until recently, been transformed into an approach that is systematic. With the disappearance of the frontier in the 1890's, attention was directed to conservation of resources and possible shortages of agricultural land and critical minerals. Congressional concern was directed less to problems of this sort, however, than to control of immigration, demand for which issued not from fear of excessive population growth but from concern about increasing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity, labor's fear of excessive competition from immigrant workers, and so on.

The article presents the author's opinions on the book "The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963-1969," by former U.S. President Lyndon Baines Johnson. Reviews of Johnson's book tend to resemble reviews of the Johnson Administration: disappointment based on ridiculously high expectations. Already reviews are stressing how Johnson lied, as though lying is something politicians don't do, and as though memoirs are something somehow different from politics. Reviews compare the book with the Pentagon Papers and come away still more indignant, as though private deliberations of presidents ought not to have been different from the public reports of deliberations, or as though final decisions should reveal all of the calculations back of them and all of the alternatives rejected prior to reaching the final decision. These disappointments are more than a mere literary device. Most of the reviewers and president watchers probably sincerely did expect more from Johnson, and went on expecting it late into his administration, especially where domestic politics were concerned.

The article focuses on the emergence of "amateur" organizations in certain areas. The emphasis within such organizations upon ideological and other purposive incentives as the relevant stimuli for party work was interpreted as foreshadowing changes in party goals and strategy. Several analyses concluded, however, that activism based upon purposive or impersonal incentives were somewhat evanescent. The maintenance of amateur orientations might depend, however, upon the congruence of motivational orientations between leaders and lower-level activists. The impact of the amateur type of party organization depends not only upon its ability to sustain itself but also upon its relevance for areas of growing political importance, particularly the suburbs. This paper examines Democratic and Republican party activists in DeKaib County, Georgia. During the summer of 1970, personal interviews were conducted among leaders and officials of the Democratic and Republican county party organizations in DeKaib County, Georgia.

The article presents an assessment of race and place in The New York Times. It has frequently been asserted that the media respond differently to black and white news. To a great extent, media coverage, like the races, is rigorously segregated. The contemporary significance of this argument is obvious. This paper seeks to test the hypothesis that there is a relationship between the racial content of a news item and its treatment by The New York Times. The New York Times was chosen as the hard case. It is widely regarded as the leading American daily, and has a well established reputation for fairness in racial matters. Indeed, The Times is more than a newspaper. It is studied carefully both in Washington and in foreign capitols, and it may not be inappropriate to conceive of it as a spokesman for the liberal establishment. Two time periods were chosen for study. The two-year period beginning in May, 1954, was selected because it seemed reasonable to say that the Supreme Court's school desegregation decision thrust the civil rights movement upon the consciousness of the public.

In this paper, the authors will critically examine a central, though neglected, aspect of political socialization research--the learning concept. Following a discussion of the current status of the learning concept, they propose a research strategy towards the operationalization of the concept in political socialization research and exemplify the approach with a specific learning paradigm adopted from experimental psychology. In a field such as psychology which evidences a long history of research in the study of learning as a general concept, there is a sharp disagreement as to what precisely is meant by "the learning process." Since psychologists differ with regard to the learning process, the unqualified utilization of the concept within political socialization research is highly questionable. Moreover, the failure to explicate clearly the meaning of the learning process in political socialization research has precluded the establishment of the "empirical import" of the concept. Inclusion of the term "political learning" as an integral element in a synthetic mode of discourse requires that the empirical import of the term be established.

The article presents the reply of the author to the criticism of his paper "Causation and Theory Construction," published in the March 1972 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." According to the author, researchers Herbert L. Costner and Hubert M. Blalock, invoke an empirical criterion to judge logical validity; but logic has nothing to do with the empirical truth of propositions, and that point bears directly on their rules for relating symbols. Had Blalock and Costner not confused utility and logical validity, there would be no argument. At one point Blalock and Costner indicate that a theorist need only assume close relations to justify the sign rule, but elsewhere they say "if those conditions are met." If so, the criterion ignores the point that the empirical validity of the premises may be unknowable directly. At one point Blalock and Costner undertake to describe the "mathematical form of causal models and how this form corresponds to one common notion of a causal relation." But the "mathematical form" of causal models requires no further explication; rather, the issue is correspondence between that form and a conception of causation.

The article discusses the formation of concepts. The formation of concepts in science is subject to the same limitations and pitfalls as perception and observation in day-to-day living. The scientist, however, is distinguished from the man in the street by virtue of the additional lengths he will go in order to see more clearly, and so all manner of care is exercised through instrumentation and measurement in order to provide more precise facts. But whereas instrumentation and measurement procedures usually enhance precision, they do not necessarily guarantee accuracy. In his famous paper on the relationship between personality and conservative ideology, researcher H. McClosky partially describes procedures by which his measure of conservatism was developed, and more recently, researcher A.L. Kalleberg has pointed to that study as illustrative of how it is possible to form, through the development of scales, objective concepts of so-called subjective meaning-structures. McClosky's procedure consisted of presenting students with 43 items, culled without their knowledge from conservative literature, and asking them to supply a name or label characterizing all the items.

In this article the author presents an empirical discussion of urban terrorism in the U.S. According to the author the purpose of this paper is twofold, first, to point out some of the problems in collecting data on urban terrorism and, second, to propose a theoretical perspective of terrorism somewhat different from the customary revolutionary or counter-insurgency model. Among the most frequently cited indicators of urban terrorism in the U.S. is the rising number of bombing incidents and threats combined with the sensational discovery of various bomb plots and caches. The authors remark that since explosive bombs require more effort in acquisition of materials, preparation and detonation than incendiaries, their greater frequency in densely populated areas suggests that explicit terror bombings as distinguished from vandal-type arson are more prevalent in an urban environment. While urban areas provide the concentrations of symbolic victims necessary for mass anxiety, unless the terrorist is very well organized into hierarchical cells and can demonstrate an escalating omnipresence, has access to resupply from a secure or liberated zone and is operating in conjunction with regular insurgent forces, any attempt at social paralysis is doomed.

The article presents an ecological analysis of urban mortality rates in the U.S. According to the authors much of the work taking account of the health factors has been done in a comparative perspective with the general conclusion being that improved health conditions and services and not pure economic factors have been the main influence in lowering mortality in the developing nations. The purpose of this paper is to examine the ecological correlates of neighborhood mortality levels in a large urban center. The focus is upon the identification of the relative contribution of demographic, environmental, and social organizational variables to the explanation of differences in urban subarea death rates. The authors take as their starting point the works of those social scientists who have clearly demonstrated the relationship of ecological phenomena to differential urban mortality. Past studies have shown the importance of a large number of specific variables in explaining differential aggregate community mortality levels. These specific variables may be grouped into three gross categories, such as demographic, environmental, and social organizational.

The article presents the profiles of the differential statuses of the major ethnic and racial elements of the population of the United States with reference to a convenient norm and in comparison with each other. It also provides, a basis for conjecture about the relative salience of the different statuses for different populations, a special case of consistency analysis. The focus on racial problems has recently diverted attention from the substantial immigrant population in the U.S. In absolute terms the foreign-born population is still quite large. Admission of refugees around World War II and displaced persons under the Act of 1948 undoubtedly changed the characteristics of European migrants. These historical events are reflected in the Russian and German samples, for example, but census data do not permit us to disentangle their influence on the composition of the subsamples. In this paper, the author reports as a whole for African Americans, Mexican Americans, selected foreign born of significant numbers and for the native born of like foreign parentage.

The article presents a estimate of the quantitative impact of the foreign born labor force on the U.S. commodity production over 1869-1929. In order to demonstrate the importance of immigration, the author has constructed estimates of per capita commodity output in the absence of foreign born labor. A broader measure could be defined to include the output produced by foreign born laborers and their children. This more broadly defined measure would give a greater weight to the quantitative impact of immigration and would extend this impact later into the twentieth century. The measure used in this paper, foreign born labor, indicates the economy's dependence on an exogenous labor force, most of whose basic rearing costs have been met before entering the United States. Estimates are made of employment in the commodity producing sectors of agriculture, manufacturing, mining, and construction for the total labor force and for foreign born labor. A commodity output series is estimated, by sector, for 1869-1929. Average labor productivity for each commodity producing sector is constructed for the total labor force. The product of average labor productivity of the total labor force and immigrant employment, by sector, is taken to yield estimates of commodity output produced by the foreign born labor force.

The article presents a case study related to the theory of the linkage between local government decisions and public opinion. The most obvious and directly relevant unit of local government where public opinion has a role to play in the decision-making process is the city council. It is an elected body and it regularly makes decisions which affect the councilmen's constituencies. The decisions it makes can range from quite routine to highly controversial. The technique used in the paper is to briefly examine a number of "routine" decisions and determine if they fit the model, and then to examine one extreme example of a controversial issue in order to see if public opinion played a different role than in the routine cases. A small southern city, to be called "Eastown," was selected initially as the point of study because the city council had been forced, on two occasions, to give consideration to a proposed fluoridation ordinance. In order to study the decision-making behavior of the city Councilmen, approximately one hundrel city Council decisions in Easttown were examined for a randomly chosen time period in 1966. The results suggested that, at first glance, public opinion played no role in councilmanic decisions. It was clearly the "experts" who are dominating the Councilmen's perceptions about choices among alternative courses of action.

The article presents response of the author on comments made by Kenneth P. Hadden on the article "Migration Attractiveness of Southern Metropolitan Areas" that was published in the September 1969 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." Hadden's criticism of great width, breadth, depth and scope does raise several salient questions. His exposition to the title of my effort to examine the net migration rates of Southern Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas' (SMSA) is crucial rather than semantical or trivial. Some, noting the paper's claim that it sought one possible route to explanation of the factors associated with the patterns of net migration might think it obvious migration attractiveness was operationalized by self-definition in terms of its measure. Hadden has evidently penetrated behind this veneer to the study's philosophical and theoretical underpinnings and recognized that the actual objective must have been to study migration attractiveness sui generis rather than to assess the importance of various characteristics of SMSA units on the size, rate, and direction of the net migration patterns of these areas between 1950 and 1960. I stipulate to what Hadden styles an atheoretical orientation in failing to make the theoretical rationale explicit.

The relationship between social class, authoritarianism, and foreign policy attitudes has been re-examined in the light of evidence from a national survey and other studies. These data indicate that, contrary to the suggestion of Hamilton's recent paper, lower class people are not consistently more conciliatory on foreign policy issues than are those of higher social class. The attitudes of lower class people appear to be more consistently characterized by a preference for noninvolvement in foreign affairs. Such a preference for isolation from foreigners is congruent with the ideology which has been called authoritarianism. However, the preference for conciliatory over aggressive foreign policy actions which lower class persons sometimes show is not congruent with authoritarianism. This suggests that, although lower class persons may be more authoritarian, their foreign policy attitudes are determined mainly by other factors. The data reviewed suggest also that foreign policy attitudes can be understood best not in terms of a single orientation toward conciliation versus militancy but in terms of several basic orientations. It may prove useful to characterize specific foreign policy positions in terms of their position on the dimensions of (1) involvement-noninvolvement; (2) dominance-submissiveness; and (3) friendliness-hostility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has summarized a study of presidential prestige and has, through the systematic comparison of historians of differing political per- suasions, examined patterns of relationship between prestige and two dimensions of perceived presidential attitude. These patterns indicate that presidential prestige or greatness is associated with different characteristics of perceived presidential attitude among liberal and conservative historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his conclusion, Downes states that "cities experiencing hostile out- bursts have a very distinctive set of social, economic, and even political structural characteristics."19 It is true that Downes expresses reservations about his analysis, cautioning the reader that"… this analysis represents a preliminary examination of the information we have collected,"20 and adds that he intends to undertake more extensive analysis of his data.21 By coincidence, our work involves more sophisticated analysis of data related to some of the variables which Downes studied. Furthermore, while Downes treats variables which characterize city populations in toto, and deduces from these the conditions of nonwhite persons in the cities, our study employs direct measures of characteristics of the nonwhite population and of differentials between the white and nonwhite groups. Of course, our study examines just a few socioeconomic variables, using only one bit of demographic data, and is thus less broad in scope than Downes'. Nevertheless, the results using these variables cast doubt on some of Downes' conclusions. Thus, contrary to Downes' conclusion, we find that the per cent of the population in SMSA's that is Negro does not appear to be related to the occurrence or intensity of civil disturbances. Where Downes finds low educational levels to be related to outbreaks of violence, our results are equivocal on this score. In the study most closely related to Downes (Study I), we are in partial agreement on the role of education; however, when an intensity index is used or where white-nonwhite differentials are studied, no clear relationship is observed, Furthermore, where Downes concludes from per capita income data for entire city populations that income levels are inversely related to occurrence and intensity of disturbances, we find almost the reverse to be true when nonwhite income levels are studied. When white-nonwhite income differentials are used, the results are again equivocal. Using crowding as a surrogate for housing quality we find no relationship between housing quality and the disturbances, where Downes concludes that this characteristic may be important. On the other hand, we find that home ownership, which may be a kind of proxy for community stability, is related to the disturbances in both their existence and severity. In fact, in this case the white-nonwhite differential becomes important. Finally, it is important to emphasize that our results do not go very far in "explaining" the causes of the disturbances. As Cohen has said, "One of the major errors in both the white and Negro communities has been seeking a single answer to a complex of problems. Integration, for example, has now given way to a theory of upgrading the slums. Status frustration has `lost ground to economic frustration. These are false dichotomies. The racial problem is a complex of many problems which have accumulated over the years."22 Relatively simple deprivation models of the type discussed in Downes' paper may shed light on some of the roots of urban discontent, but are over simplifications. In a way, their failure indicates the existing lack of understanding of these complex and urgent problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion related to a paper on prestige and esteem as power components. Power has been defined as the determination of others' behavior in accordance with one's own ends. The acquisition of power by an individual is through his role as well as through his social position. That is, power attaches in actuality not merely to the status or office but also to the individual independently of his position. Power can therefore be regarded as functionally related both to roles and to social positions. Power has, however, been viewed as either a dimension of status, or as existing separately and apart from social position. Viewed in its overall as well as its fundamental function, power can perhaps most feasibly be considered as the universal social process of which social position is one particular dimension or sub-universe. Such an approach to power readily lends itself to quantitative analysis. Two scales have been offered as components of an individual's social position. One scale of rankings, termed "prestige," is made up of the invidious value attached to the status or office. The other scale of ratings, called "esteem," is the invidious value attached to any given role or combination of roles.

The article presents a discussion related to Jack P. Gibbs' work on analytical typologies in criminology. Gibbs treated as problematic an issue that has been closed for students in the field for sometime. The research was competent, its limitations clearly spelled out for the reader, and the results carefully tied to theory. Certainly, none of the others have attracted as much attention. Expectedly, the best scholarship was to be found among the papers on social theory. Unfortunately, most of these were agonizing efforts over where sociology has been and ineffectual attempts to redirect activity in a more promising direction. One has to constantly remind oneself that sociology began with three interests in mind, a distinctive subject matter, social reform, and the application of the scientific method to social behavior; that one is perilously close to forsaking the first two in mindless deference to the last in that important questions go unasked because one cannot attack them scientifically; that the questions one asks are becoming more and more scientific but more and more trivial, and, in so doing, one is, if not becoming psychologists, following psychology down the path to intellectual oblivion.

The article presents a discussion related to studies in international relations in reference to a paper titled "Mexican Legislation in the Light of International Law" published in September 1928 issue of the "Social Science Quarterly," by David Y. Thomas. The Thomas article has been chosen by the author because, the author believes that it is an excellent illustration of its own kind of scholarship in its own time and it is curiously modern, or even "post-modern" in flavor. Its own kind of scholarship is more or less diplomatic history. It is an up-to-the-minute, argumentative interpretation which the historians might reject as premature and the political scientists might refuse to claim as inadequately "scientific." Call it academic journalism if one wishes, but it is very good academic journalism. Thomas documents impressively from a wide variety of sources, official, scholarly, journalistic and even inventively personal. Thomas prepares his "brief" carefully and persuades with the weight of evidence. If one wishes to emulate the scholar engaged he could find few better models than Thomas.

The article presents a study to analyze the thirty-one Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA's) in the Southern Census Region with a population of 250,000 or more on April 1, 1960. In the thirty-one southern SMSA's during 1955 to 1960 there were more than three white city-to-ring movers for each white ring-to-city mover. For nonwhites, there were nearly two city-to-ring movers for each ring-to-city mover. For all thirty-one southern SMSA's in this study, white and nonwhite mi- grants from the cities to the suburbs were better educated than the suburbs- to-city migrants. Also, a larger proportion of the city-to-ring migrants were white-collar workers than of the suburbs-to-city migrants. Consequently, a smaller movement of lower socioeconomic status counters the heavy volume of movement of persons of high socioeconomic status to the suburbs. Thus, the exchange of migrants between the southern cities and their suburbs tends to raise the socioeconomic levels of the suburban population while lowering the socioeconomic levels of the city population. The thirty-one southern SMSA's analyzed in this paper exhibit a diversity of nonwhite migration patterns.

The article presents the response of the authors to the comments made by the authors Frank Breen and David Marcinko, that appear in the paper "Away From a Federal Reserve Reaction Function," published in the March 1976 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." A reaction function is a reduced-form equation and Breen and Marcinko are wrong when they indicate that it is the same as a utility function, which is a behavioral equation. The authors said that their paper used reduced-form statistical results to draw inferences about the U.S. Federal Reserve's apparently changing concern for unemployment, price inflation and other issues. If one assumes that the Federal Reserve's hypothesis about the structure of the economy is unchanged, then changes in estimated reaction coefficients will reflect changes in Federal Reserve utility or preference parameters but we never purport to estimate those parameters directly. Breen and Marcinko contend that estimating a reaction function in which explanatory variables would enter as differences between actual and desired values would have changed the absolute magnitudes of the authors' estimates.

The article presents the author's reply to the comment by sociologists F. Ted Hebert and Lelan E. McLemore on his paper "The Effect of Organization Size Upon Normative Diversity." The author says that F. Ted Hebert and McLemore contend that the concept of north refers only to a widely shared set of beliefs regarding appropriate behavior, thereby implicitly suggesting that two individuals are an insufficient number of actors to develop shared expectations for behavior. Because they take issue with his definition of two or more who share a perspective and emphasize "widespreadness," in their definition, they apparently feel that two individuals can not interact, develop a shared perspective and sanction one another. Few interactional settings develop a complete consensus in expectations due to factors which isolate or segregate individuals from one another, such as size of the group, role specialization, centralization of decision making or physical separation. The proportion of actors sharing a perspective or the central tendency is not really important in his paper; instead, the concern is with diversity of expectations in an interactional setting.

The article comments of the research paper "Criminal Homicide, Punishment, and Deterrence: Methodological and Substantive Reconsiderations," that was published in the September 1971, issue of the journal Social Science Quarterly. According to the author this paper contains five misleading statements, all of which pertain to the possibility of detecting unmeasured linear effects by examining plots of residuals in regression analyses. While various plots of residuals may be useful in detecting heteroscedasticity, curvilinearity, and linear effects in time, neither the form of the distribution of residuals nor plots of the residuals by independent or dependent variables can in general reveal important unmeasured linear effects as was suggested. The least squares fit of the regression line implies that both positive and negative residuals occur for various values of the dependent variable. The author remarks that the statements about the general utility of regression plots, though incorrect, in no way detract from the substantive findings reported.

The article presents information regarding the publication of the journal "Social Science Quarterly," (SSQ). The journal had an operating deficit of $21,000 in 1974 which will influence policies of the journal during the coming year and also SSQ operations. The journal has made announcements in journals like "Professional Geographer" and "AHA Newsletter," inviting historians to submit their papers to SSQ. Future issues of SSQ should be of interest to social scientists of various persuasions and disciplines. The next topical issue will deal with "Scarcity and Society" and the journal will continue to consider manuscripts dealing in any way with this topic until October 1, 1975. We are also planning a special bicentennial issue for June, 1976. An outstanding panel of social scientists will discuss the major contributions by U. S. scholars in their discipline, explain how these contributions have enabled people to better understand American society and will indicate whether or not these contributions have made for any changes in the society.

The article presents response of the author on comments made by Lewis E. Hill on the papers "Toward a Reconciliation of Institutional Economics and Its Critics" and "Beyond the Market Economy Building Institutions That Work," by Clarence E. Ayres that were published in the March 1970 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." Under appropriate arrangements for doing things, that is, under an appropriate institutional structure, the propensity to truck and barter naturally entails the creation of markets, which are themselves arrangements for effecting exchange. In the U.S., the institutional structure is such that markets permeate most of the economy. For example, in August 1970, nearly 84 per cent of total civilian employment was in the private sector, all of which consists of regulated and more or less unregulated markets. Thus, employing scholar Robert L. Heilbroner's system of classification, the economy of the U.S. would be appropriately designated as essentially a market system, as the author did in his introduction to Ayres' classic. "Institutionalism and Economic Development." But Ayres objects to him, that the U.S. economy is an industrial economy. Unfortunately, his is not intended to be a cross-classification, which, if correct, would be a suitable complement rather than a substitute for the one that the author employed, since Ayres says prefatorily, and the author flatly denies that the U.S. economy is a market economy.

The article presents the comment of the author on one of his papers related to poverty, minorities, and consumer exploitation. In the summer of 1965, the Watts riot happened. Along with many other residents of Los Angeles, California, the author was unable to get to his place of employment because of roadblocks established by the police and National Guard to contain the destruction. This "vacation" period provided a time for reflection about the nature and problems of the society. One of the easiest observations to be made was that business, ranging from the burned-out mom-and-pop store in Watts to the giant corporation, could not remain aloof from the growing urban crisis. It seemed likely, however, that the commentators and analysts would focus largely on the educational and social roots of the problem and ignore the role of the business community. This oversight would only perpetuate a situation that caused Charles Lazarus, a vice-president of Federated Department Stores, later to ask how it was possible that a whole generation of corporate executives could drive their Cadillacs through the slums of America and not know that someday these ghetto-poor would rise to threaten both the corporate balance sheet and the whole fabric of American life.

The article presents information on a paper titled "Poverty, Minorities and Consumer Exploitation," written by Frederick D. Sturdivant and Walter T. Wilhelm, which demonstrates how business related research can effectively draw from and contribute to social science in a highly relevant context. Controlling extraneous variables to measure the effect of a single variable is comparatively easy in a laboratory setting. But Sturdivant and Wilhelm needed to observe reactions of retail salesmen in a real shopping situation. The selection of three couples-one Anglo, one Negro and one Mexican- American-with similar credit profiles to do the shopping, each couple in each store, served to isolate the effect of minority status in a way analogous to laboratory experimental control. To understand the Academic context in which Sturdivant and Wilhelm conceived and executed the research, one must understand some important aspects of the history of marketing as an academic discipline. Whether and how the marketing process is efficient economically and socially has been of some interest to marketing scholars since the discipline began in the early 1900's.

The article presents a comment of the author on his paper related to some readjustments of the Negro family in 1944 and 1970. The nature of the reconsideration is obviously based upon the changes that have occurred in American race relations since the work was first published. The passage of time has not only allowed for a change of mind, but has compelled it. Therefore, his purpose here is to state succinctly how he viewed Negro family readjustment in the first instance and how he views it now. The advantage that he has in taking this approach is that an occasion for readjustment, as it existed then, also exists now. In 1944, his general concern was with the degree and manner in which an institution accommodates to new circumstances imposed upon it by the external environment in which it is enmeshed. Somehow he had the feeling that the methodological implications of the Spencerian organismic analogy could not be absolutely ignored. He felt that, like forms of organic life, an institution has a vital quality that facilitates its structural rearrangements when faced by an external condition that threatens its internal stability.

The article presents information on the paper titled "Ten Years of Supreme Court Voting," written by C. Herman Pritchett. Methodologically, Pritchett's work in this period was trail blazing. Social scientist Glendon A. Schubert suggests two main contributions of that work: "First, Pritchett conceptualized the U.S. Supreme Court as a small decision-making group, whose voting and opinion behavior could best be explained in terms of imputed differences in the attitudes of individual justices toward the recurrent issues of public policy that characterize cases that reach the court for decision. Second, Pritchett based his analysis upon quantitative measurement of a large sample of data." Although Pritchett subsequently placed less emphasis on the method of data display employed in the article, it continues to be a major research tool for studying judges' voting. To avoid elaborating the case, "Ten Years of Supreme Court Voting" is representative of the journal "The Southwestern Social Science Quarterly" persistent publication of public law research. At the same time, the article is a pivotal step in developing the behavioral, quantitative approach that has become prominent not only in public law research but in political science in general.

The article presents a pioneer study of contemporary significance in electoral behavior in reference to a paper on this issue written by Roscoe C. Martin. As far as taste is concerned there was a bias at the outset for selecting an article representing a contribution to an empirically based political science. Martin's piece certainly meets that standard. The article is an early attempt to investigate in a systematic, quantitative fashion a problem that has received considerable attention in more recent volumes of the Quarterly and other scholarly journals, the question of voting behavior in state and local elections. Martin's report of the socioeconomic and institutional factors associated with an Austin municipal election in 1933 precedes the major voting studies conducted on the national, state, and local levels by several years, even decades. But it is not enough merely to say that this study broke new ground in an era when political scientists generally took only marginal interest in studying electoral data; it is also worth remarking that Martin did so in a manner that is still significant for contemporary students of voting.

The article discusses the model put forward by authors Thomas M. Havrilesky, Robert Sapp, and Robert Schweitzer, in their paper "Tests of the Federal Reserve's Reaction to the State of the Economy: 1964-1974," that appeared in the March 1975 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Havrilesky, Sapp and Schweitzer seem to want to judge the U.S. Federal Reserve by some ideas they harbor about desired levels. But they don't get to do this because they don't put the explanatory variables in the forms of differences between the actual values and the values that they believe desirable. If the world thinks that five percent unemployment is fine and dandy, then changes in the unemployment rate when it is at or below five percent might well elicit no response from the System. If the Federal Reserve System had the four percent unemployment, then during the period under discussion the Federal Reserve, even if it were totally gung-ho about unemployment, might not have been doing anything about it since unemployment was approaching and then dipping below the four-percent level.

Presents an introduction to papers related to sociology that appear in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly."

The article focuses on the author's comment on the paper "The Effect of Organization Size Upon Normative Diversity," by D. Michael Betz, that appeared in the March 1972 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Conceptually, the norm construct is weakened to the point of triviality by reasoning that "where two or more individuals share a perspective or attitude such shared perspectives represent a normative environment for those individuals and other individuals in their midst." In standard usage, the norm concept has reference to widely shared sets of beliefs regarding appropriate behavior where these beliefs are not only shared but believed to be shared and are supported by social mechanisms encouraging conformity. Betz has examined attitude diversity, not norm diversity and has shown that with respect to three questions, diversity of attitudes is more common in large organizations than in small. Only Betz's unfortunate definition of the norm concept permits labeling these attitudes norms.

The article presents notes on a research paper related to the analysis of public policy in the U.S. According to the author, this recent analysis is a most useful and needed clarification of a very emotion charged issue within the social sciences. In this study the researcher identifies a certain dialectical process which takes place between paradigms, as perceptions of social problems in terms of Paradigm II are translated into actions which fit the available technology of Paradigm I, and then lose their effectiveness by blaming the victim. The difficulty for the program planner or administrator is that there is no acceptable institutionalized thought structure, specifically, there is no belief-value system on which to base action within the second paradigm. Something more is involved than finding a satisfactory belief-value basis with which to induce a large qualitative change in social structure. The author remarks that within political science the challenge to empiricism for its own sake has been clearly made on the precise ground that much of its research outcomes are socially irrelevant.

The article presents response of the author on comments made by Lewis E. Hill on the papers "Toward a Reconciliation of Institutional Economics and Its Critics" by Coldwell Daniel and "Beyond the Market Economy Building Institutions That Work" that were published in the March 1970 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." Hill's Comment on the exchange between Daniel and the author is perfectly right in pointing out that he gave no reasons for insisting that theirs is an industrial economy rather than a market economy, as Daniel has declared. If it is not too late, the author would like to repair that omission. In various important senses theirs is of course a market economy. Obviously buying and selling go on almost everywhere and almost all the time; and scholar Karl Polanyi was quite right in pointing out that ours is the only economy in history in which buying and selling have been as general and as significant as they are today throughout the Western world--or at least throughout the free world. The question is: significant of what? Many writers have maintained that freedom to buy and sell is the quintessence of freedom, and that people who do not enjoy this freedom are not free. This may be true. But it is not the whole story. In particular it is not the whole story of economic development. Such freedom --the market may have been a necessary condition but not the determinant of the modern Western economy.

The article presents comments of the author on the papers "Toward a Reconciliation of Institutional Economics and Its Critics," by Coldwell Daniel and "Beyond the Market Economy Building Institutions That Work," by Clarence E. Ayres that were published in the March 1970 issue of the periodical "Social Science Quarterly." The author's purpose in writing this comment is to attempt again the reconciliation of institutional and conventional economics. The first step in reconciliation is to differentiate the two theories. Ayres' great contribution to economic theory is his application of scholar John Dewey's instrumental theory of normative value to economics. Ayres' methodology is pragmatic and inductive, and his theory is clearly in the category of normative economics--the theory of what ought to be. It is equally clear that conventional theory uses a deductive methodology and that the resulting theory is positive economics-the theory of what is. It is obviously true that there are positive implications of Ayres' institutional theory and normative implications of conventional theory; but these implications are not essential to the respective theories. If these non-essential implications are eliminated, then Ayres' institutionalism and conventional theory become completely compatible. There are, also, deductive normative economic theories.

The article presents comments on the paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly," written by William Freithaler Ford and Robert Tollison. Ford and Tollison concluded that the assertion that an "all black" army will emerge from the abolition of the draft is implausible. The purpose of this comment is to show that, if their analysis is carried far enough, it implies that a "blacker" army, far from being an unlikely outcome, is to be expected as one consequence of substituting the free market for conscription. On the demand side, Ford and Tollison argue that abolition of the draft will raise the cost of "labor" to the armed forces and induce substitution of capital for labor. Increased utilization of capital will increase the military's demand for skilled labor relative to that for unskilled labor, and, since whites make up relatively more of the more skilled portions of the labor force, increase the relative demand for whites. On the supply side, the writers argue that a greater proportion of draft-age Whites are currently volunteering than African Americans.

The article presents a discussion on the paper titled "Institutionalism and Economic Development," written by Clarence E. Ayres. It is a clear and more or less complete statement of the position taken and emphasis given by a distinguished and influential scholar. The author does not attempt here a detailed appraisal of this article. Once a critic of institutional economics, Benjamin Higgins notes in his introduction that Professor Ayres and his fellows, it is now clear, have long been doing the sort of thing all development economists now find it necessary to do. Perhaps equally important is the observation that Ayres has, in the article which follows, provided the basis for a "reconciliation" of his position with that of his "hostile" critics. Specifically, the author agrees that Professor Ayres' position or approach is economic, a theory of what the economy is and how it works. That is, technically, the job of an economist is to explain, describe, and predict the workings of economic systems and, therefore, Ayres is a practicing economist.

The article presents information on David Yancey Thomas, whose paper titled "Mexican Legislation in the Light of International Law" was chosen for discussion. Thomas was a prolific author. No other scholar has contributed as many articles to the "Social Science Quarterly." The Thomas article republished in this present issue of the journal is one of eight appearing in the journal between 1924 and 1934. Thomas was also a frequent contributor to the "American Political Science Review" and the "South Atlantic Quarterly." In addition, he was the author or co-author of more than a half dozen books and monographs. Second, Thomas's academic orientation reflects the type of scholarship regarded by Quarterly editors as its own distinctive orientation-interdisciplinary. Although his formal training was in history, Thomas was a professor of history and political science for all but five of the years between the completion of his formal education and his death forty years later. Most of his publications reflect this dual orientation, including that which he regarded as his outstanding work "One Hundred Years of the Monroe Doctrine (1923)."