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Objective: This article examines the effect of racial attitudes and sexism on evaluations of Kamala Harris. It also compares the effect of these variables on evaluations of other Democratic politicians: Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and Hillary Clinton. Methods: Data are taken from the 2020 American National Election Studies, using feeling thermometers for Harris, Biden, and Obama, and from the 2016 American National Election Studies for Clinton. Our primary independent variables are racial resentment and three measures of sexism: modern, hostile, and traditional sexism. Results: Racial resentment, modern sexism, and traditional sexism exerted an effect on evaluations of Kamala Harris above and beyond other explanatory variables, including party identification and ideology. However, these effects did not differ considerably from those found for Biden, Obama, and Clinton. Conclusions: Racial resentment and sexism appear to be related to evaluations of any Democratic presidential or vice presidential nominee, reflecting how they have become salient in defining party identities. We speculate, however, that their effects might be even more visible for black women at the top of a presidential ticket, and provide major headwinds into which Kamala Harris may have to run when contemplating any future presidential candidacy of her own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This article examines the role of white racial identity or white racial group consciousness in the vote choice of whites for the U.S. House of Representatives in the 2018 midterm elections. Methods: Data from the 2018 American National Election Study (ANES) Pilot Study are analyzed using a logistic regression model. Results: White racial consciousness was a significant predictor of U.S. House vote choice in 2018, even after controlling for other relevant explanatory variables such as racial resentment, party identification, and ideology. The effects were especially evident for two quintessential swing groups: independents and moderates. Conclusion: In the first national election of the Trump era, white racial group consciousness became a relevant electoral cleavage and determinant of white vote choice at the subpresidential level. Given the rhetoric and action of Trump as president, the Republican Party has morphed into a white identity political party, not dissimilar to populist right‐wing parties in Europe. While this might reap electoral benefits for the Republican Party in jurisdictions with smaller minority populations, it is likely to cost the party support where there is greater racial diversity. In the long term, the politics of white identity is likely to be an impediment to the Republican Party's ability to expand its electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This article examines the effect of both modern and traditional sexism on vote choice in the 2016 presidential election, and posits that they played a major role in explaining Hillary Clinton's defeat to Donald Trump. Methods: Data from the 2016 American National Election Study are analyzed using a logistic regression model. Results: Both modern and traditional sexism exerted a statistically significant effect on presidential vote choice in 2016. Indeed, its effect rivaled that of racial resentment and was only exceeded by partisanship. Conclusion: While a variety of factors may have cost Hillary Clinton the presidency in 2016, sexism needs to be addressed as one of those factors. More broadly, the findings of this article suggest that women candidates continue to face obstacles and are evaluated differently than men, especially when running for the most visible offices in American politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article examines the determinants of perceptions of the United States and of President Obama among global citizens. Methods: The 2013 Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes surveys covering countries from Asia, Europe, the Middle East, the Americas, and Africa with diverse socioeconomic and religious backgrounds are analyzed by using multilevel estimates. Results: Findings reveal that attitudes toward homosexuality systematically shape opinions toward the United States and toward Obama's handling of foreign affairs. We also find the significant impact of religious and economic variables on perceptions of the United States and of Obama above and beyond other explanatory variables. Conclusion: This research demonstrates the relevance of cleavages regarding social values. It also contributes to larger debates about sources of anti‐Americanism, and, more generally, about the role of ideology and social values in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. This article addresses a debate among scholars of southern politics concerning the relevance of the distinction between the Deep South and Rim South states. Specifically, it examines the effect of racial resentment on white party identification in both southern subregions. Methods. Data from the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies (CCES) are analyzed using a multivariate logistic regression model to examine subregional differences in the effect of racial resentment on southern white party identification. Results. Although whites in the Deep South were more likely to identify as Republicans than whites in the Rim South, the effect of racial resentment on party identification in the Deep South was not statistically different from that of whites in the Rim South. Conclusions. While it may be premature to completely discard the notion of the "Two Souths" it may behoove scholars of southern politics to also focus on individual state-by-state commonalities and differences, rather than be bound exclusively to the Deep/Rim South dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective The effects of racial attitudes on the vote choice of whites in the 2012 U.S. presidential election are examined, with a specific focus on the simultaneous effects of both racial resentment and old-fashioned racial prejudice. Methods Data are taken from the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES). Models of vote choice are estimated separately for southern and nonsouthern whites. Results Findings show that racial resentment alone affected the vote choice of southern whites, but among nonsouthern whites both racial resentment and old-fashioned racism exerted independent effects on vote choice. Furthermore, it was among independents that the effects of racial attitudes were most visible. Conclusions Overall, it is estimated that racial attitudes cost Obama support among white voters, and likely made his victories in a number of swing states a lot closer than they would have been absent the effects of racial attitudes. Consistent with prior literature, findings also demonstrate that the election of the first African-American president has primed old-fashioned racial prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]