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Trust towards unknown others is a fundamental issue in trust research. Actually, it can be said that this problematization is a generative source for the whole scientific framing of trust, regardless of its specific perspective, whether it is a psychological, situational, institutional or structural-cultural interpretation. This means that the notion of 'generalized trust' is definitely a core concept and a reference point for all research agendas in the field of trust studies. However, this status of the notion is heavily criticized both from a theoretical and empirical point of view. The current paper tries to contribute to these academic discourses by proposing an extended reading of the concept of trust towards unknown others. By doing this, the paper suggests that the focus cannot be only on the aspect of how one perceives others' trustworthiness, which is measured by the so-called 'standard trust variable'; it should also be considered how the given agent relates herself/himself to other people's otherness. Therefore, the argument simply claims that trusting people in general means being open to others' otherness. If this link cannot be explored, then trust in unknown others is constrained and limited. Using data obtained from the last two rounds of the European Social Survey, the paper presents a 31-country-based comparative statistical analysis realized on both macro- and micro-levels in order to find out whether the above-described theoretical linkage is verifiable or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gender gap in voting for far-right parties is significant in many European countries. While most studies focus on how men and women differ in their nationalist and populist attitudes, it is unknown how the socio-economic and political promotion of women is associated with the gender gap in far-right political orientation. The following paper compares the effect of four different spheres of gender equality on this gender gap. By estimating multilevel logit models for more than 25 European countries and testing the mechanism via a socially conservative attitude toward gendered division of work, I find that the visible field of representation in particular—measured by the share of women in parliament and women on boards—is associated with a gender gap in far-right orientation. This paper contributes to the literature in two important ways: first, it combines policy feedback with cultural backlash theory, enlarging the scope of both theories; second, it demonstrates the importance of gender equality policies for the study of the far-right gender gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family complexity is increasing in Europe, experienced by a significant proportion of children. More evidence is needed in Europe how children's family type influences their well-being, especially their family-related subjective well-being, and to what extent parenting practices are playing a role in these relationships. The aim of the paper is to study perceptions of children who live with two biological parents, with a biological and a stepparent, or with a single parent about the parenting practices of their (step)parents and their satisfaction with the people they live with. The analysis is based on the third wave of the "Children's Worlds" harmonized dataset of 12-year-old children in Estonia, Finland, Hungary, Norway, Poland, and Romania. The findings reveal a 'cascade of children's appraisals' by the family types—overall, living with two biological parents is the least and in a stepparent family the most complex family environment for children, reflected in their highest and lowest evaluations of parenting practices and family-related subjective well-being, respectively. The analyses showed that simple and complex family type differences in children's family-related subjective well-being are entirely explained by parenting practices in Norway, Estonia, and Poland, but not or almost not at all in Finland, Hungary, and Romania. To conclude, in a caring, safe, and participation-enhancing family atmosphere, children can be inclusively flexible and adapt to new parent-figures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European sport policies and programmes have increasingly focused on promoting social cohesion. Often presented as a multi-dimensional concept, social cohesion is considered the 'glue' that holds societies together and is seen as essential to addressing common challenges. However, the term remains contested, and it is not always clear how programmes conceptualize or support social cohesion. Thus, this paper explores how three European sport programmes conceptualize and foster social cohesion. Findings are generated from a thematic analysis of interviews, group discussions, observations and documents. The themes developed show how organizations adopt an individual-centerd view of social cohesion, focusing mainly on social relations, tolerance and mutual help. In turn, this translates to an individual-focused practice of social cohesion, emphasizing personal skills, behaviors, and social relations, with the transfer of social cohesion to the broader community left mostly in participants' hands. Due to a number of systemic barriers, programmes struggle to implement more holistic and structural approaches. As such, if we want to facilitate a move towards more structural or interventionist approaches, we as researchers must play an active role in questioning, challenging, and reshaping the systems that underpin sport-based social interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we use EUROMOD, the tax-benefit microsimulation model of the European Union, to investigate the impact of marriage-related tax-benefit instruments on the financial incentives to work of married couples. For each spouse, we estimate their individual marginal effective tax rate and net replacement rate before and after marriage. We show that the marriage bonus, which is economically significant in eight European countries, decreases the work incentives for women, particularly on the intensive margin. In contrast, for men the incentives on the intensive margin increase once they are married, pointing to the marriage-biased and gender-biased tax-benefit structures in the analysed countries. Our results suggest that marriage bonuses contribute to a lock-in effect, where second earners, typically women, are incentivised to work less, with negative economic consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution addresses the puzzle of whether the anti-inclusive character of Industry 4.0 development can be tailored toward a socially more responsible path (smart automation). In doing so, the paper first underlines the crucial importance of a governance being capable of fostering inclusive growth by deciphering the nexus between flaring populism and non-inclusive growth. It then turns to the case of Japanese digitalization and Industry 4.0 development to show that adding a social innovation-dimension (smart automation) to Industry 4.0 is not impossible in supporting inclusive growth in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how and under what conditions Italy's civil society organizations (CSOs) have resorted to transnational activism and to what extent these efforts translate into impactful political advocacy. The analysis focuses on the action strategies of these civil society actors that have come under considerable pressure through the resurgence of populist–nationalist actors in the domestic arena. Developing an actor-centred perspective from below, this article draws on a series of 27 interviews conducted with these organizations' representatives working primarily on issues related to migration and refugees in Italy. The empirical study examines some key initiatives that see domestic CSOs as protagonists in the transnational realm and explicates their motivations, approaches, and experiences. Conceptually, the article distinguishes between the vertical and horizontal Europeanization of CSOs. While there are notable opportunities for CSOs to engage in Brussels-centred governance and policy making, the effectiveness of horizontal Europeanization in the form of cross-border networking is—at first sight paradoxically—limited by the EU's system of multi-level governance. The central argument about Europeanizing civil society activism is that these processes are primarily driven by a pragmatic pursuit of solutions to concrete political challenges that could not be properly addressed in an increasingly hostile domestic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the relationship between employee socioeconomic status (SES) and the availability, use, and consequences for employees of flexible work arrangements (working from home and flexible starting and finishing times). Multi-level analyses based on the European Sustainable Workforce Survey (11,011 employees nested in 869 teams at 259 organizations in nine European countries) reveal a negative relationship between low SES employees and the availability of working from home. Lower-status employees also perceive working from home and flexible work times as less available to them and use these arrangements less than higher-status employees. Findings suggest similar outcomes of use for both groups. We found almost no differences between lower and higher SES employees in how using flexible work arrangements affected performance, commitment, and work–life conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of the COVID-19 pandemic, the public generally expressed high pandemic-specific support for their governments. Analysis based on ESS Round 10 COVID-19 module data from 20 countries shows, however, that there was a gap between pandemic-specific and specific support for governments in European states. A positive gap in favor of pandemic-specific support for governments was found among 52.7% of the respondents, while a negative trend was observed among 24.0% of the respondents. Younger people, those self-employed or working for family businesses, students, those with better subjective health, and people who tested positive for or thought they had suffered from COVID-19 expressed less satisfaction with the government's handling of COVID-19 in their country compared to general satisfaction with national government performance. Political opinions affected the support gap too; people who were satisfied with the way democracy works, were less trusting of their government's ability to control the spread of the pathogen, preferred their own decisions over compliance with government restrictions, and perceived that their government failed to manage the health–economy trade-off restrained their pandemic-specific support for the government as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'end demand' approach to prostitution has been popping up in Europe through the anti-trafficking debate and receives increasing attention on the international agenda. It is well recognized that improving workers' rights, increasing unionization and collective bargaining coverage are effective strategies for tackling trafficking. However, with regard to sexual exploitation, focus is not on these strategies but instead on the abolition of the entire sex industry with the help of criminal justice systems. In first decade after the Palermo Protocol (2000), international organizations (IGOs) promoted a human rights-based approach to tackling trafficking, aiming to balance the criminal justice focus of the protocol. This work guided states on how to maintain and protect human rights while combating human trafficking. However, the explosive issue of sex work/prostitution was minimized, with IGOs avoiding the topic due to the fragile consensus about the definition of human trafficking and state obligations. Meanwhile, sex workers' collectives and unions globally and throughout Europe developed their own strategies on how to address widespread criminalization, discrimination, violence and exploitation, with no or very limited funding and resources—and without recognition of their work, experience and expertise. This article presents how the European Sex Workers' Rights Alliance (ESWA) and other sex workers' rights civil society organizations have sought to challenge the harmful impacts of the 'end demand' discourse and the criminalization of sex work in the name of anti-trafficking in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the concept of the digital economy, highlights the challenges in measuring it, and explores the development of indexes as a tool for assessing its growth and the effectiveness of policies and strategies. The proposed index is suitable for both national and sub-national spatial assessments, and it was tested and validated using examples from regions in Russia and European countries. The selected indicators comprehensively capture the geographical distribution of digital economic activity, including the concentration of digital businesses in specific regions, the availability of high-speed internet and mobile networks, the distribution of ICT-related jobs across different regions, and the level of e-commerce activity. The authors initiated an analysis and comparison of available data sources, which resulted in a list of indicators that allows for a sufficient assessment of the levels of digital economy development. The resulting index was used to assess the digital economy's development in regions in Russia and European countries. The top-ranking countries were Scandinavian, while Moscow dominated the rankings among Russian regions. The results also highlighted significant disparities in the development of the digital economy within Russia and Europe. The study's findings align with those of other international and domestic studies, confirming the reliability of the proposed methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After years following the breakdown of the Great Recession in Europe, crisis-driven urban shrinkage can be adequately investigated considering changes over time in selected demographic indicators, with a specific focus on migration. Using official statistics and a literature review, the present study documents the inherent demographic decline in metropolitan Athens (Greece) as a response to economic stagnation after a long-lasting expansion. The empirical results of our study delineate metropolitan shrinkage in Southern Europe as a process associated with complex socioeconomic conditions leading to (possibly counterintuitive) demographic outcomes as far as migration trends are concerned. Recession has determined unsustainable economic conditions especially for non-native population segments, promoting both class and ethnic segregation. The negative migration balance in the 2010s led to an intense population decline hitting settlements made already demographically fragile because of low fertility and aging. Athens became a sort of 'migrant trap', being progressively unattractive for incoming migration flows—both internal and international—and losing an increasingly high number of non-native residents settling in the area, especially during the 'gold' decade of the 2004 Olympics. A sudden reduction in immigration rates reflected both economic (recession) and non-economic (population aging, fertility reduction, and childbearing postponement) factors, causing an incipient shrinkage after secular urban growth. The empirical results of our study add to the traditional literature on 'industrial cities shrinkage' in Europe and contribute to (re)formulate short- and medium-term development scenarios in large agglomerations, shedding further light on the role of migration in crisis-driven processes of urban decline in Mediterranean Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between meat production and climate change has fostered increasing social debate in recent years. Livestock is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions, among other global problems attached to the meat industry. However, this debate is often presented as one-dimensional, without a comprehensive approach. As the media plays a key role in shaping public perceptions of nutrition, this study aims to examine how the matter of food transition and climate change is addressed by three centre-left media outlets from Germany (Der Tagesspiegel), the United Kingdom (The Guardian) and Spain (El País). A search including the words *meat* and *climate change* in different languages, performed over one year (2021), resulted in a sample of available news items (N = 273). Using quantitative and qualitative methods, we analysed the coverage in terms of scope and use of frames. The results showed a scant number of news items combining climate change and meat consumption, though there were some differences indicating a greater awareness in the United Kingdom. Most of the news items from the three countries applied frames based on solutions from an environmental perspective. Media attention was discontinuous and sometimes determined by political debates, which made it difficult to reflect upon the underlying issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, intersex people of Europe and Latin America are subjected to different degrees of invisibility and discrimination for being part of bodily diverse communities. Thus, these experiences have been addressed as violations of intersex human rights. This research intends to explore intersex human rights across Europe and Latin America through a scoping review and legal research, including the review of activist documents. It seeks to study the experiences of violence suffered by intersex people, the role of states in promoting justice, and the possibilities offered by a human rights framework to guarantee a dignified life for bodily diverse communities. This research also illustrates that, although regional, cultural and social landscapes differ in both continents, intersex groups are subject to constant violations of their human rights, and they struggle for recognition and for their bodies to be respected outside the binary categories of sex and gender. Furthermore, European and Latin American states have made proven legislative advances that have led to the greater visibility of intersex people but also face remaining difficulties and gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]