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This paper examines the potential impact of the Left on the goals, issues, strategies, and constituencies of the contemporary environmental movement. Contrasting the earlier disparagement of the movement by the Left with increased Leftist attraction to the mature movement, it is argued that the Left could contribute a theoretical context for environmental issues and influence segments of the environmental movement through an emphasis on protest strategies and the differential economic impacts of environmental problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines ‘alternative institutions’ in a variety of institutional domains as participatory-democratic modes of organization. Grounded in comparative data, it posits structural conditions, both internal to an organization and in its environment, which support or undermine the achievement of its collectivist-democratic ideals. While the literature on social movement organizations well demonstrates the fragility of democratic systems and their tendency toward oligarchization, goal displacement, and organizational maintenance, this work suggests, in propositional form, conditions which militate against these all-too-common transformation patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moderate social movement organizations (SMOs) often denounce radical SMOs for statements and actions that threaten to alienate potential sources of external support. This paper analyzes the development of such interorganizational hostility in the Southern civil rights movement over the issues of Communist participation, the Vietnam War, and black power. In demonstrating how the moderate SMOs' perceived need for external support aggravated divisions over these issues, this paper calls attention to a major source of intelorganizational hostility in the movement that previous work has overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from campus newspapers at two large Midwestern universities to examine local claimsmaking about the problem of sweatshops and anti-sweatshop activism on each campus. Although student activists at both schools sought to solve the same problem (i.e., the manufacture of university-licensed apparel by sweatshop labor) with the same solution (i.e., convincing their university administrations to join the Workers’ Rights Consortium, a sweatshop monitoring organization), what was ostensibly the same issue was constructed in very different ways in the claims found in the two newspapers. Drawing on the concept of“local culture,” our analysis illustrates how claimsmakers at each campus used locally and situationally embedded interpretive resources both to establish the problem of sweatshops and to present solutions to this problem. We use these findings to draw implications for both social problems theory and the study of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are levels of deprivation and resources associated with participation by First Nations in collective action? Although previous studies have focused on the relationship between deprivation, resources and thetimingof protest, surprisingly few have used these concepts to address the issue ofparticipationin protest. This paper presents the results of a study that compares the characteristics of First Nations with varying levels of mobilization (from participation in none to participation in several protests). Data on First Nation protest were obtained from newspapers and data on First Nation characteristics were obtained from several waves of the Canadian Census of Population. Multivariate analyses reveal that some forms of deprivation (unemployment) and resources (socioeconomic status) were related to First Nation mobilization. Explanations which synthesize theoretical concepts may, in future, provide a greater understanding of collective action than those explanations which are based on a single theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers elaborations on current knowledge about social-movement framing processes and cognitive liberation, especially regarding technical controversies and not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) protest. The social-constructionist lens of the framing perspective also allows refinements in conventional explanations of NIMBY conflicts. Attention is given to the dynamics of emergence, continuity, and change in framing strategies over time in controversy regarding the U.S. Army's chemical-weapons disposal program. I focus specifically on dynamics involved in the development of cognitive liberation, particularly the framing difficulties that occur in the context of cognitive ambiguities produced by an "information haze." These ambiguities create problems for developing and linking the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational elements of collective-action frames. I also attend to frame transformation, explaining how transformation may be both animated and constrained by a movement's opponent. I conclude that NIMBY is only one possible framing and can be transformed as the context of the dispute shifts. Moreover, framing activities in technical disputes may be particularly difficult due to the role of scientific rhetoric and experts in interpreting risks and shaping understandings of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing recent research and monographs from participants and observers, this paper reports on the underanalyzed Vietnam antiwar movement. Key events are placed in a historical context that help to explain the origins of the movement. Particular attention is given to the various responses of the state to the challengers and the complex interrelationships with the media. As the antiwar movement grew and developed, there were multiple factors that contributed to solidarity and factionalism within the movement. Despite state repressive actions and internal factionalism, the movement was successful in helping to end the war. The effects on U.S. policies were more indirect than direct. The antiwar movement mobilized millions of citizens to public protest. The demonstrations helped to shift public opinion away from supporting the war and activated third parties to question and demand an end to war policies. The political system did respond to the antiwar movement’s demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differential participation after recruitment remains a black box in the social-movement and voluntary-association literatures. This paper identifies several dimensions of membership participation in a professional social-movement organization (SMO) with a national membership and analyzes the determinants of differential involvement in these forms. In general, members’ ideological beliefs, social and organizational ties, perceptions about their SMO, and communication with SMO officials all predict participation across the various forms. Our findings extend previous work on differential participation in three ways. First, we statistically isolate cultural dimensions of postrecruitment participation and, in so doing, complement recent ethnographic research. Second, our findings suggest that the distinct dimensions of external and internal participation found by Knoke (1988) in a national sample of voluntary associations may not generalize to national SMOs studied individually. Third, our results indicate that models combining ideological and microstructural factors should explain the multiple forms of participation in SMOs lacking these distinct dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to illuminate how social movements collectively construct and communicate power. Drawing on insights from dramaturgy as well as from field research of several movements, the article demonstrates how social movements are dramas routinely concerned with challenging or sustaining interpretations of power relations. Four dramatic techniques associated with such communicative processes are identified and elaborated: scripting, staging, performing and interpreting. It is suggested that movement outcomes hinge in part upon how well activists employ these techniques and manage various emergent contingencies and tensions. The paper concludes with a discussion of several sets of theoretical arid empirical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the idea of a "multi-organizational field" to analyze the multiple targets that influence the creation of a social movement organization's frame and apply these ideas by examining the framing efforts of the SMOs in the religious pro-choice movement from 1967 to 1992. The frame literature identifies two distinct types of frame processes directed toward targets: frame alignment and counter-framing. Frame alignment processes attempt to link the interpretive orientations of the SMO with those of the target group. Secondly, the SMO attempts to undermine their opponents' attempts at frame alignment with contested targets through "counter- framing"--attempts to "rebut, undermine, or neutralize a person's or group's myths, versions of reality, or interpretive framework." If left unchallenged, the SMO's opponents' frames will eventually carry away even the targets in the SMO's alliance system. In the multiorganizational field context then, the alliance and neutral systems of an SMO are targeted through frame alignment processes, and the antagonists in the conflict sector are targeted through counter-framing. For most SMOs these framing efforts toward multiple targets are not sequential but simultaneous.

This paper uses data from an intensive study of Boston's antebellum black community to demonstrate how sustained social activism is embedded in the formal and informal institutions of the community. The social networks of cooperative institutions were primary factors in this community's ability to mobilize and sustain protest actions and to call attention to social injustice. This examination of antebellum black Boston indicates that the issue of slavery was crucial to social activism. This suggests that the presence of a salient issue which links the everyday lives of participants with a public issue may be an important factor in building a social movement based in a poor, relatively powerless community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a model of the mobilization of people into movements that is compatible with a resource mobilization perspective on social movement organizations as the unit of analysis, but substitutes a cognitive social psychology based on attribution theory and the sociology of knowledge for the incentive model typically used in this perspective. We focus on the problem, neglected by resource mobilization theorists, of explaining the translation of objective social relationships into subjectively experienced, collectively defined grievances. On a macro level, our model gives independent causal weight to ideology without discounting the role that resources also play in defining group goals. On a social psychological level, we identify three distinct organizational strategies—conversion, coalition, and direct action—for mobilizing persons as participants and examine some cognitive and organizational consequences of each strategy. We conclude that incorporation of a more adequate social psychology of individual participation is not only compatible with the organizational focus and emphasis on rationality of the resource mobilization perspective, but can provide important insights into problems both social movement theorists and social movement organizers see as significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of environmental justice activism since the 1980s provides an exceptional opportunity to study the relations between a grassroots movement and philanthropic foundations. I utilize archival documents and interviews with activists and funders to pose two guiding questions. One, to what degree has the environmental justice movement gained access to foundations? Two, to what degree does this movement maintain self-determination in its relations with foundations? This paper shows that the movement successfully established connections with a few key foundations. I also show how environmental justice grantee organizations maneuvered around some of the foundation-related constraints that might otherwise present very real threats to their self-determination. This analysis builds on, but also goes beyond, the channeling and co-optation literatures that emphasize the potentially negative influence of foundation funding on grantees. It also contributes to the newly developing social relations perspective which conceptualizes social movement philanthropy as a relationship that is mediated by many factors (for instance, the political orientation of the funder and grantee, among others). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the framing process of “partial-birth” abortion (PBA) as an exemplifying case, this paper proposes a dialogic model of framing in which meaning is created and recreated through an iterative, discursive process. Materials developed by six social movement organizations that lead the PBA framing process were analyzed to chronicle the evolution of the PBA frame, as well as factors that influenced this evolution. Movement and countermovement actors attempted to imbue PBA with meaning in such a manner as to motivate and direct action to support their overarching political goals. Rather than two distinct parallel frames battling against each other, this process is better conceptualized as the evolution of a single frame, created in interaction with the framing of one's opponents. A dialectic model of framing provides a framework for examining the process by which cultural meanings are contested and how these meanings are transformed through collective action. Such a model also potentially expands the definition of successful frame and better illuminates the symbiotic relationship between movements and countermovements actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the concerns related to the issue of framing perspective and the increasing popularity it has gained among social movement researchers and theorists. In general the framing perspective has made significant contributions to the social movements field. It has infused new enthusiasm for the analysis of ideational, interpretive, constructivist, and cultural dimensions of collective action. It has moved the field beyond the structural determinism of resource mobilization and political opportunity models and away from the dubious psychology of rational choice approaches. Whether its impact will continue, and to what extent, remains to be seen. The prospect that the framing approach will produce an enduring legacy could be enhanced by addressing several noteworthy shortcomings prevalent in the current literature. One or more of these weaknesses characterize most social movement analyses. But these foibles seem particularly acute in the case of the framing perspective. Underlying the descriptive bias in the movement framing literature is the tendency to focus on frames as "things" rather than on the dynamic processes associated with their social construction, negotiation, contestation, and transformation. Movement scholars have been more inclined to attend to frames rather than to framing.

In multivariate analysis, moral autonomy contributed to the explained variance for participation in politically Leftist social movements. On the bivariate level, ‘world view’ variables besides moral autonomy were also related to social movement participation: (I) authoritarianism, (2) dogmatism, (3) efficacy, and (4.) religiosity. In multivariate analysis, the effects of all the explanatory variables except moral autonomy almost entirely disappeared. Even after the addition of the subjects' general political ideology, multivariate effects of moral autonomy remained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there has been a significant shift toward decentralized forms of social movement organizations (SMOs), the federated form is still quite active and deserves further study. In particular, the role of the local chapter in relation to its national office can be explored from new angles for additional insights into federated SMOs. I address the specific issue of isolation that is problematic for some chapters of federated SMOs. I consider these chapters to be "outposts"; isolated from national headquarters geographically, socially, culturally, politically or due to communication barriers. This outpost status creates specific difficulties over control, autonomy, coordination, and resources. "SMO Outposts" are often not able or willing to carry out national goals, strategy or tactics in the prescribed manner expected from headquarters. However, SMO Outposts may also experience unexpected opportunities. My typology of SMO Outposts clarifies their characteristics and presents the challenges and opportunities they encounter under various modes of isolation. This provides for a fuller assessment of the success, organizing capability and adaptation of federated SMOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis explores men's role exit process from being married to divorced in the context of the alimony reform movement in the United States. Those considering potential role exit may face governmental policies that either support or oppose them in making these personal changes. In this case, mostly men want to leave their husband roles behind but legally imposed alimony, in their view, unfairly binds them to their former spouses. This analysis uses 182 narratives to map out how major collective action frames—based upon the highly valued, masculine concept of autonomy—are generated in this social movement. Overall, this research demonstrates the importance of both considering the operation of governmental policies in producing successful or incomplete role exit for individuals, and how these same individuals can respond using collective action frames drawn from privileged notions of masculinity as they aim for significant life change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an introduction to the issue by the editor. The author writes that it is his last issue of the periodical as Steve Kroll-Smith will take over the duties as editor. The article outlines the content of the issue including an article by Amy Cooter which discusses the normalization strategies of the Neo-Nazi movement. The social construction of suicide data in New York City is looked at in an article by Hugh Whitt and Herbert Haines contributes a study of the negotiation of controversy in social movement organizations. Wilson, Eitle and Bishin's work looks at perceived job insecurity. The nature, dynamics and impact of an information society is examined in Kim and Nolan's article.

Recent research has pointed to the rise of socially conscious consumption and of lifestyle movements or social movements that focus on changing one's everyday lifestyle choices as a form of protest. Much of this research addresses how adults maintain socially conscious consumption practices. Using interviews with youths who are vegan-strict vegetarians who exclude all animal products from their diet and lifestyle-I isolate the factors influencing recruitment into and retention of veganism as a lifestyle movement. I show that initial recruitment requires learning, reflection, and identity work, and that subsequent retention requires two factors: social support from friends and family, and cultural tools that provide the skills and motivation to maintain lifestyle activism. I also show how participation in the punk subculture further facilitated these processes. This work contributes to studies of youth subcultures and social movements by showing how the two intersect in lifestyle movement activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that field analyses of social movements can be improved by incorporating more insights from Pierre Bourdieu. In particular, Bourdieu's concepts of logic, symbolic capital, illusio, and doxa can enrich social movement scholarship by enabling scholars to identify new objects of study, connect organizational- and individual-level effects, and shed new light on a variety of familiar features of social movements. I demonstrate this claim by delineating the contours of one such field, the 'social justice field' (SJF). I argue that the SJF is a delimited, trans-movement arena of contentious politics united by the logic of the pursuit of radical social justice. Drawing upon existing scholarship, as well as my own research on the prison abolition movement, I argue that the competitive demands of the field produce characteristic effects on organizations and individual activists within the field. I conclude by considering how a Bourdieuian approach can provide fresh insights into familiar problematics within the social movements literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structuring collective action, given diverse human thoughts, feelings, and behavior, is an arduous task. This article examines one way collective action can be facilitated by analyzing how social movement organizations (SMOs) use narratives as a key resource for recruiting members and sustaining participation. Data for this analysis were collected through participant observation and in-depth interviews with 34 participants of the Soulforce Equality Ride (ER), a cross-country bus journey-modeled after the Freedom Ride of the Civil Rights Movement-that toured 18 schools that ban the enrollment of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender students. Findings indicate that the ER recruited participants, maintained commitment to the group and its cause, and met organizational goals by (1) crafting a frame that successfully taps into potential members' existing emotions, ideologies, and experiences; (2) aligning these individual experiences with group messages and meanings via narratives; and (3) creating positive feelings for members. In doing so, SMOs can construct cognitive and emotional links between the individual and the SMO, thereby promoting group goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective identity formation is important because it plays a crucial role in sustaining movements over time. Studying collective identity formation in autonomous groups in the Global Justice Movement poses a challenge because they encompass a multiplicity of identities, ideologies, issues, frames, collective action repertoires, and organizational forms. This article analyzes the process of collective identity formation in three anti-capitalist globalization groups in Madrid, Spain, based on 3 years of ethnographic fieldwork. The author argues that for new groups practicing participatory democracy the regular face-to-face assemblies are the crucial arena in which collective identity can form and must be both effective and participatory in order to foster a sense of commitment and belonging. The article raises the possibility that scholars should consider what seems to be an oxymoron: the possible benefits of “failure” for social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to extend our understanding of the forces that shape social movement messages. Using a framework that focuses on a movement's discursive field, I analyze the U.S. movement for population stabilization, which is made up of groups that call for stricter limits on immigration to the United States as a means to forestall environmental decline. Drawing upon data from a range of sources, including the Web sites of 10 environment-oriented immigration-reduction organizations, I make the case that this movement's particular field is composed of the discursive repertoires (or messages) of a set of environmental and nonenvironmental social actors and three central discourses: science, political economy, and nationalism. I argue that the movement's relative lack of success is partially attributable to its position in the discursive field in which it must operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the height of authoritarianism in South Korea (1972–1979), Christian activists challenged the state along two dimensions. First, protesting Christians formed formal social movement organizations to better garner the resources to sustain their social movement. Second, they waged a discursive battle that challenged the legitimizing rhetoric of the state. By 1979, Christians developed a social movement industry involving the network of formal organizations as well as systematizing their rhetoric of protest in the guise of a Korean liberation theology; Minjung Theology. Drawing upon archival data and social movement theory, this study traces the rise and development of both the Christian social movement industry and Minjung Theology. We find that the emergence and evolution of mobilizing structures and movement frames were influenced by the state's repressive apparatuses and legitimizing rhetoric, respectively. Likewise, Christians’ attempts to mobilize and challenge the legitimizing rhetoric of the state further contributed to the closing of the political opportunity structure. This study empirically verifies recent theoretical work emphasizing the importance of considering the differential impact of repression on various components of a social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement organizations frame not only their target issues, but their own organizational identities. In doing so, they are sometimes forced to make difficult decisions that pit principle against considerations of image. This article compares and contrasts episodes from two different movements: (1) Amnesty International's (AIUSA) expansion of its human rights agenda to include death penalty abolitionism and (2) the American Civil Liberties Union's (ACLU) endorsement of drug legalization. Based upon documentary and interview data, I demonstrate that Amnesty's decision to work toward the abolition of capital punishment provoked intense internal debate based upon the prevalence within AIUSA at that time of a narrow conception of human rights, concern about the effect of anti-death penalty projects on the group's priorities, and the fear that the carefully crafted image the organization had built would be damaged by anti-death penalty work. The ACLU's endorsement of drug legalization provoked some of the same concerns, but issues of public identity management were far less evident. Instead, internal debates focused on the proper breadth of the organization's anti-prohibitionism. I suggest that the differences between the two cases may be understood in terms of contrasting organizational cultures, framing vocabularies, and membership profiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chile, not long after Pinochet stepped down, many shantytown women who had fought hard in the pro-democracy movement felt very bitter. What explains this despondence, despite the positive outcome of their movement? This article addresses a question the social movement literature neglects: the question of how people feel when a movement ends. In doing so, it contributes to the literatures on movement decline and emotions in movements. I use ethnographic data from a year’s fieldwork in Chile to suggest that at the end of a movement, even when it has succeeded in terms of achieving its goals, activists can feel disillusioned, disconnected, and abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between feminism and motherhood as it plays out in the construction of feminist identities. Central to this study is the conception of motherhood as a historically constructed ideology that provides a gendered model of behavior for women. In the organizations studied, the author finds that motherhood is interpreted two ways: as a social status with political ramifications and as the act of caring and taking responsibility for relationships. Early in the second wave of United States feminism, activists identified motherhood as a target for transformation and reevaluation. Some feminists framed motherhood as an essentially positive experience, damaged by patriarchal constraints that devalued women's work. Other feminists criticized motherhood as the basis of women's oppression. In this study this author examines the relationship between motherhood and feminism in a social movement context. Motherhood as a historically constructed ideology provides a gendered model of behavior for all women, even those who have not given birth or raised children.

The article evaluates the effects of types of racial and class attitudes on assessments of the desirability of residential integration in Atlanta, Georgia. From the early 1900s until 1 908, racial segregation was a legal and wide-spread form of residential organization. Segregation existed because White social customs prescribed it, political structures permitted it, and legal and extra-legal actions enforced it . Among the many achievements of the African American civil rights movement was the abolition of "de jure" segregation via the Fair Housing Act of 1968. Yet in spite of this legislation, and despite the decline both in Whites' stated resistance to integration and in levels of segregation over the last few decades, African Americans in most American cities remain spatially separated from Whites. A small but influential group of scholars stresses the role of nonjudgmental preferences for the racial composition of neighborhoods in perpetuating segregation. In this view, since Whites and African Americans share a "morally innocent mutual ethnocentrism" neighborhoods eventually become composed primarily of one group or another. In several studies, African Americans have reported preferences for neighborhoods that are at least 50% African Americans while Whites say they would be most comfortable in neighborhoods that are 0% to 30% minority show that even small differences in preferences can lead to extreme degrees of segregation.

The article examines the concept of social movement endurance by analyzing the Rastafari movement in Jamaica. The Rastafari represent a good case study for exploring social movement endurance for a number of reasons. First, the Rastafari is a very old social movement, dating back to the 1930s. While many social movements fade after a short-lived peak, the Rastafari has not only persisted but has also become globally important. Second, the posture of the Rastafari is radical, inviting criticism from mainstream society. The Rastafari is based on transcendental principles, mostly drawn from the Bible, that offer a radical reinterpretation of the sociopolitical conditions of Jamaica as well as the rest of the world. Third, the Rastafari is a political or religious movement that consistently has been perceived as a threat to the cultural and political well-being of Jamaica. Accordingly, since its emergence the Rastafari has received stiff resistance from the Jamaican establishment. Despite its radical posture and its perceived threat to the Jamaican established order, however, the movement has prevailed for more than six decades.

The article explores the role of social networks in channeling involvement of individuals in local activism. It presents an analysis on sustained movement participation and variations between competition and mutualism in a local multiorganizational field. The effect of external affiliations on participation level of individual and organizations have also been discussed. Variation in individual participation simply corresponds to varying attributes of members, either through differential interest in the group goals or differential availability for participation in the group. The second explanation, in line with recent social movement theory, focuses on strong and weak ties between individuals as conduits of social influence. The third posits that memberships in other groups may limit actors' structural availability, to the extent that those organizations compete for their budgeted resources. The partial specification of micromobilization processes considers both the structure of interpersonal relations and an implicit ecology of organizations.

This article draws upon ethnographic data to explore two boundary framing processes at Crossroads. Boundary framing about grantmaking substance involves efforts by Crossroads to define its problem area for funding. It distinguishes between social services, which many foundations fund, and community organizing, which few others support. Boundary framing about grantmaking structure is Crossroads's effort to distinguish itself from all other local foundations, because its grantmaking decisions are made by a diverse group of activists recruited from the types of community organizations that Crossroads funds, rather than by politically lesser informed elites. The article argues that during boundary framing actors simultaneously articulate two vocabularies of motives for movement participation: an instrumental vocabulary about dire, yet solvable, problems and an expressive vocabulary about collective identity. Activists construe their goal-oriented actions as continually aligned with, and fueled by, identity claims. This argument elucidates the taken-for-granted notion that people join movements to effect social change. The study argues that "social change" is as much about who movement actors are as what they do and that these meanings jointly motivate participation. In exploring what "social change" means to those who work for it, the study outlines a new direction for integrating cultural and structural approaches to social movements.

Generational relationships are examined in terms of their lineage and cohort dimensions. Each suggests a very different type of relationship between social movement participants, their parents, and members of adult age cohorts. Following a clarification of these relationships and their consequences for lineage and cohort politics, five research propositions are offered as a guide to future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Bonacich's split market theory, the work of Hechtcr and Blalock on ethnic conflict, and the literature on social movements, the authors develop a model of factors producing conflict between native and immigrant workers. The model identifies the relative size of the immigrant group, the growth of the immigrant population, the desirability of jobs held by immigrant workers, economic conditions, the development of racist ideology among native workers, and the organization of native workers as factors possibly explaining the frequency of incidents of overt ethnic conflict and efforts to institutionalize discrimination through government action. The model is assessed by examining the situation of Chinese immigrants in California between 1849 and 1882. The data suggest that poor economic conditions, a well- developed racist ideology, and well-organized native workers best explain incidents of ethnic conflict and successful efforts to obtain discriminatory government action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most traditional work by political sociologists conceives of social movement activity and politics as pertaining only to the public world and political activity as inherently masculine. Women are virtually invisible in these accounts. That the nature of political and social change is shaped by the organization of gender is a fact obscured in the conceptualizations typically employed. One such concept is political generation. Virtually no scholarly work has been done to analyze women in terms of political generations. Political generations arc taken as sex-neutral phenomena with no hint that the organization of politics is based in the social organization of gender. Indeed, perhaps the major assumption of generational analysis, that generations are formed during youth and its accompanying period of rebellion and change, has not been subject to sustained scrutiny; this model may well capture the male, but possibly not, the female experience. Nevertheless, the generational model might be usefully applied to an understanding of the growth and transformation of the women's movement. When women are put at the center of inquiry, the notion of political generations takes on new meanings, and it raises questions about who, how, and when social groups come to experience similar perceptions and understandings of reality. This analysis begins with a selective summary of the assumptions and directions of generational analysis in social science. Contemporary media use of generational analysis follows with an eye to the ways in which media representation has shaped some women's movement dialogue. Feminist generational thinking is explored as it attempts to account for the history of the women's movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and for the relations of young and old in the contemporary movement. Possible directions for further research and reformulation are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Results of a survey of participants in the April, 1979 antinuclear demonstration in San Francisco arc compared to those obtained from a similar study of participants in the May, 1979 antinuclear demonstration in Washington, D.C. Both sets of demonstrators arc found to be young, well-educated and politically liberal, and to reject several dominant American values. The similarity in findings between the two studies provides increased confidence in our understanding of the social composition of the antinuclear movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the image of popular female singers in different musical styles as conveyed through their album cover photographs. Slides were made of ninety-one albums recorded by women between 1973 and 1981. They were shown in subgroups to panels of judges who rated them on thirty-one traits. These traits represent either (a) aspects of the ‘traditional’ feminine stereotype, (b) qualities of sexual attractiveness, or (c) positive, but not specifically feminine, traits. The results indicate that female singers were rated positively, regardless of musical style. Country singers were rated relatively high on the traditional traits, while rhythm and blues artists were high on sex appeal and positive traits. Rock singers were rated as aloof and high on positive traits but low on traditionalism and sex appeal. Pop singers were not rated high or low on any dimension. Some differences in male and female raters' evaluations were found. It was concluded that female recording artists generally are not presented in the same stereotyped manner as women are usually portrayed in other forms of media advertising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, social psychological theories of social movements such as relative deprivation (RD) have come under heavy censure. An examination of the theoretical literature on RD indicates that many of the critics' remarks seem to be predicated on an inadequate and superficial interpretation of RD. A detailed examination of many of the studies purporting to operationalize RD reveals, however, that many of the criticisms retain their pertinence when evaluating the empirical work. At this point it seems lead to a more accurate appraisal of RD are recommended, since both social psychological and mobilization theories are necessary for a comprehensive understanding of collective behavior. Ghetto dwellers have much to resent about the way the outside world treats them: poor jobs, unemployment, unfair practices on the part of many employers, high rents for unsatisfactory housing, inadequate schools and health and sometimes brutal police work, the poor performance and sharp practices of many businesses aiming at ghetto customers, as well as a host of major and minor expressions of prejudice and discrimination which may confront a member of the black minority as he goes about his everyday social traffic in American society. Although such circumstances do not hit every member of the community with equal force, they provide each ghetto dweller with some basis for discontent, and probably they all play some role in the accumulation of grievances which may finally result in a rising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines Smelser's value-added theory of collective behavior. According to Smelser, six determinants are necessary for the development of a social movement: structural conduciveness, structural strain, generalized beliefs, precipitating factors, mobilization of participants, and social control. As a test of this analytic framework, two Melanesian cargo cult movements and the general history of these movements are investigated. On the basis of a historical and comparative analysis that relies upon both primary and secondary sources, the six factors outlined in the theory are shown to be present. The relevance of these findings for the explanation of social movements is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the contemporary debate over technology is explicitly and implicitly focused on the question of whether certain technological styles are appropriate or inappropriate. The framing of the debate in this way is due to an active social movement that advocates appropriate technology (AT). The movement is growing from urgent concerns with the undesirable ‘hard’ equity, environmental/resource, and quality of life impacts of modern industrial technologies, both in developing and developed countries. The major features of the AT movement and its social sources are examined. Then the emerging hi techs are characterized and analyzed in terms of the major impacts of concern in the AT movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to conventional social problems models that depict environmental problems as arising from either ‘sin’ or ‘error,’ such problems are rooted in the modern treadmill of production. Following the classification of Theodore Lowi, recent environmental movement organizations appear to have emphasized a social redistributive rhetoric (sin), but have engaged in practices of distributive politics (error). As a result, even with the advent of the ‘radical’ appropriate technology movement in the mid 1970s, the central issues relate to the forces of production, with far less attention given to the social relations of modern production. The explanation for this disparity lies partly in the substantial decline of a participatory base for social movement organizations in the 1970s. Hence the advent of appropriate technology movement organizations has raised competition for limited membership pools, inducing older organizations to become more diffuse in their ideologies in order to maintain and/or attract constituents. Second, the social context makes successful redistributive policies less likely, encouraging movement organizations to find successes in more decentralized distributive negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the postmovement groups. Following the movement of the 1960s, youth culture in the early 1970s was characterized by mass psychic depression and some extremely bizarre phenomena: youthful ex-acidheads shaving their heads, swearing off drugs, sex, hedonism and the rise of various Marxist sectarian groups out of ashes of the New Left. The sociology profession has treated these phenomena under such rubrics as the new religions; the new morality or social movements, even though they are not engaged in overt conflict with dominant institutions. Almost all researchers have noted that these religious groups received an influx of ex-movement participants in the period between 1969 and 1973. These groups are also called as postmovement groups which emerged in the wake of the youth movement of the 1960s. Each group attempted to reconcile the freak vision of an anarchist communard post-scarcity society generated by the 1960s movement with the reascendance of dominant institutions and the attenuation of the movement. Postmovement groups were indicative minorities and as such tended to draw trends in youth culture to their logical conclusions.

This article focuses on religious movements and the problem of a modern ethic. Religious movements arise and people join them for a number of reasons. One reason 1960s youth have joined alternative religious movements in the 1970s, is to make moral sense of their lives. One correlate of their conversion is a change in their collective moral sensibility that has now found political expression. The conflict of values between mainstream American culture and counterculture during the 1960s framed problems that alternative religious movements of the 1970s have resolved by mediating the conflict's two sides and transforming their divergent moral meanings. Contrasting styles of ethical evaluation have shaped this conflict and its mediation. These styles distinctively characterize the romantic tradition of the counter culture and the two traditions that underpin mainstream culture, biblical religion and utilitarian individualism. Biblical religion conceives of reality in terms of an absolute objective God who is the creator and father of all human beings. Utilitarian individualism begins with the individual person as an actor seeking to satisfy her own wants and interests. The 1960s counterculture rose up against and repudiated these two conceptions of reality in America, biblical religion and utilitarian individualism, especially the latter.

Two types of leadership styles in social movements are constructed on the basis of closed or open access to the source of legitimacy. Several predictions about structural consequences of the open or closed access are then made. The types are applied to four cases: the Nazis, the Manson Family, the Millerites and Women's Liberation. The hypotheses are confirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]