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Since Donald Trump's political campaign, Americans have appeared increasingly divided over public opinion issues and U.S. policies with the media seemingly reflecting these divisions. One of Trump's early initiatives was the "Muslim ban," which restricted visitors from seven Muslim‐majority countries. Focusing on the portrayal of Muslims in over 900 hand‐coded articles, our study uses multilevel modeling techniques to examine how newspapers changed their frames and claimsmakers in discussions about Muslims before and after Trump was elected. After the election, newspapers were more likely to include government claimsmakers and an immigration frame and were less likely to mention a radical terrorist leader or portray Muslims as violent. Trump's election and the ban may have ushered in a more sympathetic view of Muslims with more articles focused on them as victims of violence and negative expressions. Across counties, states, and newspapers and between the national versus local presses, we find almost no significant differences in how Muslims were portrayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ASMR (“Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response”) is commonly defined as an emotional experience of a tingling sensation in the head and neck. It is said to be triggered by certain auditory, visual, interpersonal, tactile, and often socially intimate stimuli. A great many people around the world reportedly experience ASMR regularly. However, it was not before the year 2007 that the phenomenon has been publicly noticed. Since then, ASMR has become a persistent globalized phenomenon receiving enormous attention. But sociology has remained silent about the phenomenon. Therefore, this paper aims at bringing ASMR to the attention of sociology. ASMR constitutes a unique case of the social construction of a new emotion within the past 15 years or so. The paper offers a first attempt to grasp ASMR sociologically by looking at situational triggers, physiological sensations, the cultural labelling, and the problem of expressive gestures. The paper also identifies several areas of sociology for which ASMR has relevance and outlines potential research avenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants need to constantly manage their legal status while straddling uncertain life circumstances and shifting policies. U.S. immigrant policies treat immigrants based on U.S. internal and international political needs. This practice is only further heightened during a global crisis such as the recent COVID‐19 pandemic. Immigrants' existing citizenship contributes to the constraints they experience. Using Chinese international students studying in graduate programs as an example, this paper studies the dual liminality highly skilled immigrants experience in sustaining their legal status and developing their careers. Adopting a life course perspective, this paper reveals that liminal legality constrains immigrants' career choices as they transition from students to full‐time professionals. Acquiring legal status takes precedence over their career goals. They may forfeit career opportunities to secure legal status. Moreover, their Chinese citizenship hinders their career advancement. In recent years, United States–China rivalry in international politics and intellectual competition has intensified. Combined with a racialized construction of U.S. citizenship, highly skilled Chinese immigrants experience a heightened sense of vulnerability vis‐a‐vis institutional scrutiny and mistreatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary focus of this paper is twofold: to demarcate the epistemic erasure of societal knowledge and narratives of Asian Americans as braided with other forms of anti‐Asian racism by tracing its historical roots in orientalism, colonialism, and imperialism; and to redress such erasure by foregrounding transnational perspectives and Asian American Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit). By attending to historical and ongoing experiences of migration and racialization, this paper highlights the transculturality of Asian American histories, epistemologies, and communities, along with the multi‐stranded connections that they share with diasporic Asians in other countries. It expands the dominant framing of racialized minorities in the United States that indexes and limits their experiences within the geopolitical boundaries of the nation‐state. By situating Asian Americans within critical historical and transnational contexts, this paper generates a fuller and more complex understanding of the past and present conditions of Asian Americans and anti‐Asian racism. It also deliberately highlights the agency of Asian American youth and their strategies in contesting anti‐Asian racism in schools and society at large. By amplifying Asian American youth voices and agency, this paper not only affirms their wealth of transnational funds of knowledge but also offers crucial interventions challenging the curricular violence that continues to marginalize and misrepresent Asian Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual paper reviews four dimensions of the climate change (CC) debate concerning perception, framing, and political and economic dimensions of CC. It attempts to address the question posed by sociological research as to what can be done to reduce the social forces driving CC. In doing so, it attempts to uncover mechanisms that delay or prevent the social change required to combat CC. Such mechanisms call into question the Ecological Modernization Theory's assumption that modern societies embrace environmental sustainability with no radical intervention to change the social, political, and economic order. It specifically considers how the representation of CC as a distant phenomenon, in both temporal and physical terms, might contribute to social disengagement. A reflection on the interdependencies among science, political economy, media, and individual perceptions guides this paper. All these social forces also shape the CC discourse in diverse ways according to the evolution of the phenomenon over time (in scientific, but also in political and economic terms) and in relation to its spatial dimension (global/national/local). The variety of climate discourses contributes to increasing political uncertainty; however, this is not the only factor that generates confusion around the CC. Multiple and contrasting information might trigger a "blaming/empowering game" that works at various levels. This mechanism simultaneously promotes the necessity for sustainable development and perpetuates "business as usual‐oriented" practices. Implementing sustainable development is therefore constantly undermined by a difficulty in identifying "heroes" and "devils" in the context of CC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars can rarely make causal claims about migration probabilities and outcomes. Leveraging a natural experiment based on the randomness of offspring sex, this paper uses the German SOEP Migration Sample to examine the effect of having a first‐born son or daughter on parents' likelihood to migrate and integrate. It shows that (non‐Christian) parents of sons are more likely to migrate to Germany, but parents of daughters fare better after migration in terms of language acquisition, feeling at home and overall satisfied with their lives. The first finding is explained through gendered differences in parental investment, risk aversion, and household decision‐making. The second finding is explained through girls' greater ability to act as brokers between their parents and the host society. For migration scholarship, the study provides a rare causal argument about family migration. For research on offspring sex effects, it provides further evidence of a socialization from child to parent, expands the possibility of offspring sex effects from parental attitudes to behaviors, and cautions against assuming that offspring sex is random in all populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of climate change are both acute and chronic, leaving many communities in a perpetual state of uncertainty. For others, there is no such uncertainty—their communities will soon be uninhabitable. Some levels of government have begun to recognize and slowly respond to communities facing the possibilities of relocation. This paper considers the impact of transdisciplinary thinking and collaborative moments in the planning phase of one of the few community‐scale managed retreat attempts in the United States. In January 2016, the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) awarded the state of Louisiana $48.3 million to plan, design, and implement a structured and scalable resettlement with former and current residents of Isle de Jean Charles. The paper uses data from surveys and interviews with the practitioner team, fieldnotes, review of published reports, and a sample of more than 400 media accounts. Our analysis highlights how developing a transdisciplinary process may render a new understanding to the tasks and meanings of planning resettlements in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of precarious employment coupled with declining social safety nets has increased economic insecurity among many households, leaving them without key resources to weather financial hardships like those brought on by the COVID‐19 pandemic. This has been especially true for people whose disabilities, health statuses, and already precarious economic situations have made them extra vulnerable. We combine survey (N = 1,027) and interview (N = 50) data for Canadians with disabilities and chronic health conditions to explore how mobilizing four types of institutional supports connected to labor markets, financial markets, family, and government influenced perceptions of current and future insecurity during crisis. Because employment income was only available to about half of our respondents, many relied on a combination of savings, family supports, and government programs to make up the difference. This paper demonstrates how marginalized groups make use of different supports within liberal welfare states during times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rich body of literature has studied variances in motherhood wage penalties. Yet studies have not explored American rural–nonrural differences in this phenomenon. The spatial differences in women's experiences deserve exploration. Based on prior studies, rural mothers may experience greater wage penalties than nonrural mothers because of their high marriage rates, low educational levels, and the traditional gender attitudes and norms in rural communities. However, they may experience smaller penalties because rural job structures lack diversity and jobs there tend to be low‐paid. This paper uses fixed‐effects models to examine the rural–nonrural differences in motherhood wage penalties, with data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79). The results show that although rural women reported lower education levels and higher marriage rates than nonrural women, they experienced smaller motherhood wage penalties than nonrural women partially because they were more likely to work in low‐paid occupations and industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a 2020 U.S. survey, more Asian Indians than Chinese indicated that they were worried about post‐Covid‐19 hate crimes. Yet, post‐Covid violence against people of Asian background has been viewed as being directed against "Chinese‐looking" individuals. This is just one example of how South Asians are overlooked in discourses about Asian Americans. This theoretical paper provides an expansion of the racial formation framework to explain this exclusion. We demonstrate how global factors, including the foreign engagements of the United States shaped the development of the Asian American group and category, and why, even though Asian Americans can be brown, yellow, white, or black, an East Asian phenotype is viewed as denoting an "Asian" body in the United States. We also discuss how the racialization of religion shapes anti‐South Asian racism, a factor largely ignored in the literature on racial formation and Asian Americans. We end by calling for the inclusion of South Asians in Asian American literature to challenge many of the reigning paradigms regarding Asian America and anti‐Asian racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and geopolitical disruptions triggered by the COVID‐19 crisis have raised crucial questions about the shifting meaning of race, citizenship, and nationality for transborder migrants amidst receding globalization, hardening borders, and geopolitical tensions. The aim of this paper is to examine the ways in which Chinese international students have viewed and negotiated their ambiguous racial and ethnonational position between nations during the global pandemic. Drawing on 16 student interviews at one upstate New York campus between 2019 and 2021, we argue that Chinese international students have occupied a liminal space between nations that shapes their understanding of race and racism through a distinctly geopolitical lens. Double‐edged exclusion and discrimination from both the US and China during the global pandemic have heightened their sense of social dislocation and withdrawal from nationalist politics in both countries. In the process, they have not so much surrendered the cosmopolitan ideals that motivated their migration but rather, reimagined them while maintaining a delicate balance between global cosmopolitan ideals and ethnonationalist loyalties. Our findings provide insights into the future political trajectory of Chinese transborder migrants amid tense US–China relations and help to explain the contradictions of diasporic Chinese worldviews on current affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and geopolitical disruptions triggered by the COVID‐19 crisis have raised crucial questions about the shifting meaning of race, citizenship, and nationality for transborder migrants amidst receding globalization, hardening borders, and geopolitical tensions. The aim of this paper is to examine the ways in which Chinese international students have viewed and negotiated their ambiguous racial and ethnonational position between nations during the global pandemic. Drawing on 16 student interviews at one upstate New York campus between 2019 and 2021, we argue that Chinese international students have occupied a liminal space between nations that shapes their understanding of race and racism through a distinctly geopolitical lens. Double‐edged exclusion and discrimination from both the US and China during the global pandemic have heightened their sense of social dislocation and withdrawal from nationalist politics in both countries. In the process, they have not so much surrendered the cosmopolitan ideals that motivated their migration but rather, reimagined them while maintaining a delicate balance between global cosmopolitan ideals and ethnonationalist loyalties. Our findings provide insights into the future political trajectory of Chinese transborder migrants amid tense US–China relations and help to explain the contradictions of diasporic Chinese worldviews on current affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the emerging field of men, masculinities, and disasters by drawing on narratives of men's accounts of the 2016 Kaikōura earthquake, including how stories of the earthquake intersect with experiences and understandings of extreme weather and climate change. A qualitative methodology was employed, and semi‐structured interviews were conducted with 19 men who experienced the 7.8 magnitude earthquake. This article offers an examination of the complexity of disaster experiences and recovery, as well as how people make sense of hazards and risks. We argue that ongoing exposure to climate hazards informed participant's responses to other infrequent natural hazard events, such as the Kaikōura earthquake. The research identified that men construct their own understandings and responses to natural hazards through a hierarchy of risk perception and probability based on personal experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents findings of qualitative analysis of female professors' views about the role of their parents' attitudes and family backgrounds in shaping their access to and participation in university education in Pakistan. Structural barriers in the form of lack of education, in particular, high education facilities and opportunities were linked to disadvantaged rural places of residence and geographical inequities, whereas parental values of believing in the importance of gaining professional education were commonly highlighted across the sample. Similarly, the family culture of encouraging and supporting children's education, and parental role in overcoming barriers in gaining access to university education were more likely reported than traditional gender role beliefs and gendered practices. Additionally, parents' positive and reinforcing attitudes toward their daughters' education played a mediating role in shaping study participants' academic dispositions and agencies that lead to their academic and career success. The analysis revealed that parents' positive educational values, encouraging attitudes, and supportive behaviors for their daughters were embedded in parents' personal histories and experiences of deprived status in education and occupational attainments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I clarify some components and expand a few underdeveloped ideas of the racialized social system approach to racial stratification. I divide the paper into three parts. In the first section, I explore the limitations of the figure of "the racist." In the second part, I examine the problem of change. In the third part, which is the core of the paper, I discuss what makes "systemic racism" systemic. My main contention in this article is that the "systemic" in "systemic racism" means that we all participate in the reproduction of the racialized order. Furthermore, this reproduction depends fundamentally on behavior and actions that are normative, habituated, and often unconscious. Hence, systemic racism is the product of the behavior and practices of regular White folks rather than the "racists." In the conclusion, I discuss the implications of my claims for further theory‐building, research, and the struggle for racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists define power as one party's capacity to influence another's action. Thus, power is a relational property of interpersonal interaction. However, its dynamics embed within institutions such as the church and the state. This paper explores power dynamics using a case study of the conflict between an Old Order Amish church and the civil law of Ohio. The church excommunicated a member for violating community rules. The member countered by suing the church in state court. We trace power within and across these spheres of influence, showing how each party defined the situation according to institutional vectors of power. While one might expect the state to possess greater power in this situation, we demonstrate that ultimately neither party had total power, and both lost to some extent. This case study identifies the importance of viewing power as interactional, dynamic, and contextual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and latent class analysis to assess the extent to which individuals integrate guns into broader health lifestyles. We also examine how these new health lifestyles differ for men and women. While men integrate guns with a variety of risk‐taking behaviors, including smoking, heavy drinking, risky sexual behavior, and fast‐food consumption, women do not. Our results are consistent with a gendered theory of gun ownership and health lifestyles. On the one hand, some men may use guns and other risky health behaviors to project hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, some women may avoid guns and other elements of risky lifestyles to signify normative femininity. It is important for sociologists and public health scholars to focus more on how and why men are more likely to integrate guns into generally unhealthy lifestyles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market transition theory implies that increased market competition generates incentives for allocating job resources based on educational credentials and marketable skills, in contrast with traditional patronage systems that allocate employment opportunities through network membership. Yet despite the breakdown of patronage systems, further development of market institutions result in greater uncertainty, job precarity, and competition, which may promote referral hiring and diffusion of job information through social networks. This paper explores the relationship between marketization and access to employment opportunities through social networks (specifically the receipt of unsolicited job leads). Data from the Social Capital China Survey suggest that growing marketization across provinces is positively associated with receipt of unsolicited job leads. In particular, private sector development, factor market development, and legal intermediary proliferation are significantly and positively associated with an individual's chance of receiving unsolicited job leads. The findings help clarify the mechanisms through which marketization facilitates informal exchange of job information, advancing scholarship on how concrete institutional conditions shape the significance of social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While objective class dynamics have received much attention in South Africa, less is known about the subjective social positions individuals place themselves in. For example, in a highly unequal society like South Africa, some individuals would overestimate (inflate) or underestimate (deflate) their social position compared to their objective class position. This paper aims to provide further information on status inconsistency in South Africa by assessing some of the socioeconomic determinants of bias perceptions. Using International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data and a multinomial probit model, the results show that education and race play a significant role in influencing the biased perceptions of individuals in South Africa. For example, individuals with higher education levels have a stronger tendency to deflate their social position, while Coloreds, Indians/Asians, and whites tend to inflate their social positions more than Africans. The results indicate the vital role of race and education in determining status inconsistencies in a society that is still suffering from high levels of racial and education inequality due to the lingering legacy of apartheid. The results provide a better understanding to policymakers and government on the dynamics behind social status perceptions in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of scholarship highlights the merits of fusing green criminology and environmental justice frameworks to better understand intersections among carceral systems, race‐ and class‐based stratification, and environmental harm. This paper explores how correctional institutions (CIs) with known histories of federal environmental law violations compare against other previously established environmentally harmful facilities and land uses. In this article, we ask: are prisons and other CIs that have violated federal environmental laws located proximate to areas where there is evidence of existing high‐pollution facilities? Relatedly, are CIs that have established noncompliant histories with federal environmental laws located in similarly marginalized and disadvantaged communities compared to other traditionally defined sites of environmental injustice and harm? To answer these questions, we utilize data from the EPA's Enforcement and Compliance History Online (ECHO) database. Our findings provide evidence that, within our sample of facilities that have recorded noncompliance with federal environmental laws, CIs are significantly more likely to be located proximate to Superfund sites than most of the other facility types/land uses and more likely to be located in communities with racially minoritized populations. Our findings have important implications for further research on carceral systems and environmental justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because Japanese Americans are among the oldest Asian American groups, they would be expected to have a high level of panethnicity since they apparently have much in common with other U.S.‐born Asian Americans. However, most Japanese Americans interviewed for this paper did not identify panethnically with their Asian co‐ethnics, but felt separate and distinct as Japanese Americans. Research on panethnicity has not sufficiently examined why some Asian Americans are not panethnic. Although Japanese Americans are homogeneously racialized as "Asians," they also resist their panethnic racialization by insisting on their distinct identity as Japanese descendants. They also continue to experience cultural and generational differences with other Asian Americans. In addition, even third and fourth generation Japanese Americans are not immune to the interethnic prejudices, hostilities, and homeland tensions that continue to simmer among different groups of Asian Americans. Finally, my interviewees were not interested in panethnic activism because they apparently no longer had compelling experiences of racial injustice and socioeconomic marginalization. Nonetheless, national‐origins ethnicity and panethnicity should not be regarded as mutually exclusive opposites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soon after the Covid19 pandemic hit, sports were halted, resulting in a natural hiatus ripe for collective memory practices. For basketball culture, this remembrance predominantly took the form of nostalgia, mostly for the 1990s and the Michael Jordan era through ESPN's series The Last Dance; when professional men's basketball is considered to have been better. In this paper, we ask what this perceptional superiority signifies. We find that the nostalgic story of '90s NBA, told by fans and media pundits, has three characteristics. First, the game was tougher, competitive, not amicable, less globalized, hence, more masculine. Second, team loyalty mattered more in the past and hence players stayed with a sole team, as they tried to defeat worthy rivals. Third, the sport was apolitical. We argue that this sporting nostalgia, which intersects with dominant ideas about masculinity, competition, celebrity, and American society's "apolitical" relationship to sport, is used as a cultural corrective to police the actions of current Black NBA players on and off the court. Through the juxtaposition of lead characters of Michael Jordan and Lebron James, nostalgia is used as a racialized symbolic boundary marker to reinforce and produce the "right" professional Black athlete deserving of public adoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the multiple meanings ascribed to the hijab as a "situated, embodied practice" understood with a "translocational lens." Using data from thirty‐four Muslim women college students in the United States, we argue there are multiple meanings ascribed to the "headscarf." Muslim college women described the veil with discourses surrounding the hijab being a religious requirement, a symbol of identity, and representative of diverse feminist positions. These negotiations were motivated and informed by their various translocational positions that highlight the role of structured inequities surrounding nationality, ethnicity, and race shaping their understandings and choice to veil or not. Thus, a situated, embodied and intersectional lens of the hijab provides nuance and a deeper understanding to the meanings and practices associated with the hijab for Muslim college women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political institutions in the United States have become increasingly polarized. This paper asks how gender has been part of party polarization's institutionalization and what consequences gender has on relations of power in increasingly divisive legislative work. Drawing on interviews with 21 New Hampshire state representatives and archival legislative and committee leadership records, I analyze the process and changing meanings of partisanship in the everyday work of the legislature. As this state's moderate conservative caucus disbanded and the Republican Party lost its long‐standing control, more divisive Republican alliances masculinized legislative politics as combative. Meanwhile, the newly competitive Democratic Party began to actively showcase women as party and committee leaders. State representatives' accounts demonstrate the gendered meanings and consequences of party polarization in the legislative workplace beyond what is captured by traditional measures of ideological polarization. These findings show how gender polarization produces new forms of institutionalized political inequalities in the hierarchical legislative workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the social‐psychological processes of social comparison and relative deprivation with regard to race, gender, and their intersections in STEM higher education through the narratives of 33 Black respondents who described their experiences within engineering and computer science doctoral programs. I use social comparison and relative deprivation, a subsidiary theory of social comparison, as guiding theoretical frameworks. Since the intersections of race and gender are salient, I also incorporate an intersectional framework as an analytical tool. Through data derived from semi‐structured interviews, I find that, when describing graduate‐school experiences, Black engineering and computer science respondents use social comparisons with regard to race, gender, and their intersections to juxtapose their experiences with those of their peers. Participants described feeling relatively deprived due to inequities resulting from racism and/or sexism and primarily felt that STEM privileged students that were Asian men. Nevertheless, Black men described downward social comparisons with their Black female counterparts, recognizing the sexist culture of STEM. Overall, however, social comparison processes led Black respondents to identify inequities within their Ph.D. programs in engineering and computer science that made them feel as though STEM was not intended for them, but, rather, for their Asian and white male peers who are positioned as belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supportive family members appear to be an important source of compassion and allyship for their transgender loved ones, and yet there is little research on the family members themselves. With growing recognition, researchers are increasingly focusing on these perspectives, yet there remains a dearth of literature that incorporates the perspectives of people with transgender parents. In this paper, I use 20 in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews to assess the empathetic self‐constructions of participants as they describe their love and support for their transgender parent, while examining potential dangers of support that is underpinned by traditional norms related to gender, sexuality, and family. I introduce cisnormative empathy to identify this phenomenon, acknowledging the importance of empathy as a precursor to support and acceptance, while exploring how empathetic self‐constructions combined with actions underpinned by cisnormativity may be counterproductive to the needs of transgender loved ones and the transgender community as a whole. I suggest that additional supports for transgender people's loved ones are needed to help explore complicated emotions while also challenging cisnormative ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines public narratives of sex work organizations that specifically serve disabled clientele. We utilize virtual data from two organizational online presences, including featured client and worker testimonials, a related documentary film, and audience commentary. Our analysis illuminates (1) the organizational characterizations of disabled clients as deserving and in need of sex services, (2) depictions of sex workers as moral, medical practitioners, and (3) plots and moral lessons that legitimate organizational services through medical logic. We argue that while such storytelling has the potential to persuade audiences through cultural appeals to morality, emotion, and medical logic, it simultaneously stigmatizes disabled people while constructing moral hierarchies of sex workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although researchers have broadly addressed how race, party identification, political ideology, and binary gender categories influence climate change opinions, little attention has been paid to the relationship between sexuality and gender variance (LGBTQ+ identity broadly) and climate change perceptions. Using a quota‐based survey from 2022 that approximates the US population on key demographic characteristics and oversamples LGBTQ+ individuals, we assess the degree to which LGBTQ+ individuals' climate change beliefs and risk perceptions are comparable to cisgender, heterosexual (cishet) individuals, specifically examining climate change beliefs, the perceived threat climate change poses, and worry about climate change. We argue that LGBTQ+ individuals' views are likely to be distinct from their cisgender heterosexual (cishet) counterparts for three reasons: climate change is likely to exacerbate existing structural inequalities, create disaster responses that reinforce heteronormative and discriminatory patterns, and activate LGBTQ+ political culture. We find evidence that LGBTQ+ individuals express higher agreement with climate change beliefs, identify climate change as a greater threat, and worry more about climate change when compared to their cishet counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have highlighted the political, economic, and psychological factors in the debate over anthropogenic climate change—a hegemony approach—but have rarely focused on the stories and possibilities of people's transitions from climate change non‐believer to climate change believer. Based on publicly accessible narratives, this study examines the stories of those who have switched from non‐believer to believer—a narrative approach—and the dilemmas involved in those switches. Our investigation illuminates that a transition to climate change believer is a cultural and moral matter based on changing social relations of knowledge and what people regard as ignorable. We find that narratives of transition commonly describe interrelated shifts in three social relational factors: the narrator's notions of self, material reality, and justice. We term this contextualized transformative experience a relational rupture. Our narrative approach thus contextualizes climate change denialism within a person's web of social relations, not the hegemony of climate change communication alone. Moreover, we suggest that, since public debate and polarization on scientific topics such as climate change, vaccination, and COVID‐19 are socially situated, they may potentially be socially bridged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the concurrent effects of radical and reformist approaches to animal advocacy on how animal welfare is institutionalized in laboratory research. The long‐term outcomes of militant animal rights activism are not adequately explained by the two current radical flank effect models: a positive effect where militancy helps moderates, and a negative effect where militancy compromises the movement as a whole. Interviews and participant observation were used to identify a third model—good cop‐bad cop radical flanking—that more accurately captures how a longstanding radical fringe of activism affects the institutionalization of animal advocates' demands. Contrary to existing models that describe immediate radical flank effects, a good cop‐bad cop model helps explain the long‐term effects of militancy and reformism on institutional practices, where activists' seemingly opposing efforts are, in fact, mutually reinforcing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that stressful workplace changes in 2020 disproportionately impacted historically marginalized workers. However, we need more information on enduring inequalities of stress post‐2020. Thus, drawing from surveys with employees working in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and India (N = 5,242), we use logistic regression to explore how worker identities (race/ethnicity, gender, sexual identity, and social class) might matter for stress as measured through respondents' self‐assessments of their own feelings of stress ("helplessness") and states counter to stress ("self‐efficacy"). Taking a sociological approach to analyze worker responses to the perceived stress scale (PSS‐10), we found that historically marginalized workers (in terms of race, gender, sexual identity, and social class) reported greater feelings of stress (helplessness). However, we also found that employees identifying as racially minoritized at work and employees in India reported high self‐efficacy scores on the PSS‐10—a surprising relationship given that feelings of self‐efficacy have been previously theorized to have an inverse relationship with stress (helplessness). Though based on a convenience sample, our research suggests that historically marginalized workers worldwide are feeling more significant amounts of stress. In addition, our findings may have implications regarding how researchers use the PSS‐10 to measure stress across diverse worker groups and international contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate Change and The Call Always ahead of his time, writing in 1980 Geertz made a provocative and convincing case for interdisciplinary thinking, the "blurring of genres", as he called it. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, an increasing number of scholars and activists began reviving Stoppani's human-centered era in the now familiar idiom, the Anthropocene. Ranked "high confidence", the following summary statement notes: Human-induced climate change, including more frequent and intense extreme events, has caused widespread adverse impacts and related losses and damages to nature and people, beyond natural climate variability ... The rise in weather and climate extremes has led to some irreversible impacts as natural and human systems are pushed beyond their ability to adapt (Levin, Boehm, and Carter [16]). [Extracted from the article]

Decisions about climate change adaptation are informed by technical information, but they are also shaped by social and political factors and impacted communities. Given the realities of a changing climate, more research is needed to examine how technically trained practitioners and other actors describe their work in relation to social and political factors. This article contributes to knowledge on this topic by analyzing the narratives of 62 organizational actors in coastal Louisiana. Actors include scientists, engineers, modelers, planners, project administrators, government staff, and non‐profit employees working on climate adaptation and coastal risk reduction projects outlined in Louisiana's Coastal Master Plan. While scholars critique the Master Plan as overly technocratic, I show that people weave morals and values into narratives about science. However, I show how the motivations of acting boldly, morally, and urgently in the face of emergency clash with climate justice. Some individuals within these organizations do advocate for reforming or rethinking Master Plan projects to better serve coastal communities; however, these individuals also face resistance from colleagues who frame this work as secondary or outside of their organizational purview. To conclude, I argue that research connecting technical aspects of climate adaptation planning to power and social justice outcomes has the potential to bridge disciplinary divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research identifies a "great paradox" in attitudes toward environmental regulation: some people close to environmental risk nevertheless oppose environmental regulation for partisan reasons. Does this pattern hold in large survey samples? Unexpectedly, we do not find evidence for it. Instead, we find that Republicans who report higher levels of personal environmental harm also report stronger support for environmental regulation. This pattern holds across varied measurement specifications, and it is weaker for Democrats, suggesting that exposure to environmental harm might directly challenge and change partisan opposition to environmental reform. We present a theory and research agenda that accounts for these "green elephants in the room." Our work, as we will demonstrate, crosses at least three disciplinary boundaries: social psychology, cultural sociology, and political science. A conceptual replication of results is provided in the Appendices S1 and S2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is currently confronting two water crises, a developmental crisis concerning populations who lack access to water and an environmental crisis regarding water scarcity and freshwater resource depletion. Are we as academics addressing the complexity of these issues? Using network analysis of over 5,000 articles that address water development and water scarcity, I generate a co‐citation network to identify the overlap between development and environmental water literatures in academic journals. The results suggest that the development literature only has a 6.28 percent overlap with the environmental literature and the environmental literature has a mere 1.92 percent overlap. Overall, this research suggests that there is an extreme lack of academic articles that address water scarcity and water development concurrently. Until we as an academic community become more nuanced in our studies of water, we will lack a full understanding of how to solve these seemingly contradictory problems. I conclude by drawing on critical Marxist and "Frankfurt School" perspectives to explain this apparent disconnect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collateral consequences of incarceration and prison visitation, transcend the boundaries of prison and transform women's lives. Through an intersectional approach, this research uncovers in what capacity degradation and secondary prisonization shape women's lives, and what coping mechanisms women form in response to the difficulties of visitation. Existing research has yet to identify visitors' relationships to one another and how these relationships aid in fostering coping strategies and resilience within the carceral realm. To fill the gaps, I employed qualitative research to explore the process of visitation, processing procedures, challenges of visitation, staff relations, and women's support systems. Findings indicated visitors are subject to an environment of gendered, racist, and classist oppression that varies in degree depending on social heirarchy and status. However, as a manifestation of resilience, women construct coping mechanisms in the form of information and support networks that aid in the dismantling the prevailing culture of scarcity of information and the degradation of free women by prison staff. These marginalized women habitually resist carceral domination through informal interpersonal support systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the COVID‐19 pandemic has served as a catalyst for precaritization highlighting the instability plaguing many American workers. As the rapid spread of the virus led to the closure of businesses, both temporarily and permanently, the nation reached record high levels of unemployment. The effects of the pandemic have fallen unequally among different groups forcing women, people of color, and low‐income, precarious workers to endure the brunt of the economic downturn. In particular, the hospitality industry, comprised of those employed in restaurants, bars, event/convention centers, theme parks, and the like, was and continues to be the hardest hit by the effects of COVID‐19. We explore the experiences of 454 hospitality industry workers in the Metro Orlando, Florida area during the COVID‐19 pandemic using data collected using an online survey. The purpose of this research is twofold. First, it seeks to identify the effects of the COVID‐19 pandemic upon hospitality workers in the metro Orlando area across the dimensions of employment status, financial stability, mental health, housing, and food security. The second aim of this research adopts Kalleberg and Vallas' recommendation for analysis of hierarchies in precarious work by identifying differential outcomes across the aforementioned dimensions along the lines of race, gender, and income type (salaried, tipped, hourly) to explore stratification within the precariat. Findings reflect the potentially devastating consequences of precarity and expand upon conceptualizations of the precariat by offering empirical evidence of disparities within this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across a range of countries, analysts have found that adaptations to the COVID‐19 pandemic often exacerbated previously existing labor inequalities between men and women in formal employment markets and households. This has been especially true for mothers with children in their households. Drawing on decades of sociological and feminist scholarship on labor, we suggest the following three strategies to strengthen ongoing research concerning pandemic‐induced reorganizations of gendered labor. First, ongoing research should expand considerations of gendered labor to account for more types of work and workers. Second, initial findings should be extended through the continued utilization of diverse methodologies to better account for the ambivalent experiences and meanings associated with emergent reorganizations of gendered work during the pandemic. Finally, ongoing research should pursue intersectional analyses of gendered labor that are sensitive to the complex dynamics of place and time. By expanding and strengthening considerations of gendered labor in these manners, ongoing analyses could generate more comprehensive, precise findings that better guide policy interventions meant to address the gendered inequities being sharpened by the pandemic. Foundational theoretical understandings of gendered labor and its associated inequalities could also be extended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on interviews with skaters on teams from all over the country in the women's flat track roller Derby association (wftda), this article argues that roller Derby can be viewed as a secular alternative to religion for its participants. Following Stolz et al.'s ((Un)Believing in Modern Society: Religion, Spirituality, and Religious‐Secular Competition, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2016) argument that social and cultural change has led to a change in the religious 'competition' regime which has resulted in changes to the nature of both intra‐religious competition and religious–secular competition so that religious groups now find themselves competing with secular leisure activities. This article finds support for this theory: that roller Derby functions as a secular competitor to religion in the lives of these skaters in three key ways: (1) roller Derby participants make a significant investment of time, energy, money, and physical well‐being into their sport; (2) roller Derby does, in fact, satisfy most if not all of the individual needs traditionally satisfied by religion as identified by Stolz et al(2016). ((Un)Believing in Modern Society: Religion, Spirituality, and Religious‐Secular Competition, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2016); and, (3) participation in roller Derby does conflict with individuals' formal religious involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative sociologists conducting environmental research often use temporally lagged variables to estimate the social drivers of ecological change. To highlight the relevance of temporal lags for this scholarship, we specifically look at the longitudinal relationship between demographic and economic change and two different environmental outcomes: land development and carbon emissions. For land development, we run longitudinal spatial regression models to assess whether increasing the lag time changes the slope estimates for in‐migration and out‐migration at the county level across the contiguous United States (n = 3,026). For carbon emissions, we use cross‐national data in Prais–Winsten models to assess changes in the lagged estimates for GDP, urbanization, and age structure (n = 146). Results from these analyses indicate that the slope estimates continue to be statistically significant, but the magnitudes of these coefficients change with increased lag time. We propose that scholars use a more systematic approach when assessing the temporal duration of socio‐ecological change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on disenchantment, sociology undertheorizes wonder. Our analysis of 30 interviews is the first sociological study of Americans' wonder experiences. Contrary to Weber's theorization of disenchantment, this study shows people experience wonder that is transformative and try to cultivate states of mind open to wonder experiences. Our study shows wonder follows from particularity, difference, and encounters with the mysterious; wonder connects people to expansive concerns; people experience acute self‐awareness during wonder encounters; and people seek wonder experiences. Wonder communities influence wonder experiences, but stages of wonder experiences are similar outside communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic misgendering is the process of being repeatedly misgendered (referred to as another gender) after informing an individual of gender pronouns (e.g., "she," "he," "they"). Chronic misgendering is symbolic of larger institutional and disciplinary adherence to a paradigm that privileges cisgender people, referred to as a gender essentialist paradigm. In order to understand which disciplines in higher education have more pervasive chronic misgendering, we analyze results from the National Survey of Transgender Graduate Students (n = 245). Graduate students in the natural sciences experience more chronic misgendering compared to graduate students in the social sciences. Those in health and biological science fields (in and closely related to medicine) reported the highest level of chronic misgendering, accounting for the majority of all chronic misgendering in the natural sciences. We argue that not only do these incidents negatively impact transgender graduate students, but they also reflect and reproduce field‐specific expectations for what is considered acceptable misgendering practice in post‐graduate professional environments, such as community health and medicine. As such, chronic misgendering in graduate school functions as unofficial curricula and thus, training for workplace cultures that, to different degrees, devalue transgender people and contribute to structural inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stay‐at‐home orders and the removal of care and domestic supports during the early days of the COVID‐19 pandemic substantially disrupted US parents' work and family lives. Although much is known about changes in US parents' paid labor arrangements, the evidence regarding changes in unpaid domestic labor has been largely anecdotal. This study uses novel data from 1,025 US parents in different‐sex partnerships to provide a descriptive overview of changes in mothers' and fathers' participation in, and division of, housework and childcare from March 2020 to the early days of the pandemic (late April 2020). Findings show an overall increase in domestic responsibilities for mothers who were already doing most of the household labor. Still, both mothers and fathers report a general shift toward more egalitarian divisions of household labor, driven by increases in fathers' contributions. The shift toward more egalitarian sharing of domestic labor is observed across demographic groups and across types of domestic tasks. Consistent with findings from other countries, egalitarian divisions of domestic labor increased among U.S. parents during the early days of the COVID‐19 pandemic. Mothers, nonetheless, report retaining primary responsibility for domestic labor in the majority of families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on a cohort of adults (40‐plus) in rural South Africa to unpack associations between physical health and receipt of social support, and the extent to which these associations were moderated by marital status. We use logistic regression to estimate the odds of having received emotional, physical, or financial support separately for men (N = 2247) and women (N = 2609). Our results suggest having an Activity of Daily Living (ADL) limitation or having at least one chronic condition was not significantly associated with social support receipt for women, but having an ADL limitation was associated with reduced odds of receiving financial support among men. Although marital status was strongly and significantly associated with receipt of social support for both men and women, marital status moderated the relationship between health indicators and social support receipt only for men. Our findings suggest that when men, but not women, experience a marital dissolution and are suffering from a disability or a chronic condition, their networks respond by providing needed social support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, race‐related incidents involving Greek letter organizations (GLOs), especially fraternities, continue to arise despite the ensuing controversy and negative media attention that inevitably follow such incidents. The present study examines whether there is an association between GLO membership and negative ethnoracial attitudes given a range of relevant psychological, sociological, and political theories about ethnoracial attitudes. Building on insights from microclass research on attitudinal structuring and drawing on the National Longitudinal Study of Freshmen (N = 2,817), results of linear regression models indicate that GLO membership is associated with heightened negative ethnoracial attitudes, particularly among white male students. Moreover, a measure of ethnoracial group affiliation partially mediates this effect. This latter finding suggests that among the various ethnoracial attitude theories, group position theory may be better formulated to explain an association between GLO membership and negative ethnoracial attitudes, given its consideration of both ingroup boundary formation and organizations. The results also support microclass processes and suggest future research to more clearly account for pre‐occupational structuring that later feeds into occupational processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown religion to be an important predictor of attitudes toward state punishment, yet religious identity has rarely been included in studies of public opinion toward felon disenfranchisement. In November 2018, voters in Florida passed Amendment 4, the "Voting Rights Restoration for Felons Initiative," to re‐enfranchise Floridians who have completed all the terms of their felony sentences, excluding those convicted of murder or sexual offenses. This study centers on the potential relationship between religious identity, particularly for evangelical Protestants, and punitiveness by examining religious identity as a predictor of attitudes toward felon disenfranchisement. Using data from a 2018 statewide survey of likely Florida voters, this study examines the effect of religious identity and other sociodemographic factors, such as race, on attitudes toward felon disenfranchisement. Results demonstrate that probable voters who identify as evangelical Protestant are less supportive of Amendment 4 (versus non‐religious), controlling for other demographics previously found to be significant in the literature. The lack of support for voter re‐enfranchisement among evangelical Protestants suggests they take a more punitive stance on this issue. Our findings demonstrate the continued salience of religious identity and the need for its inclusion in future studies examining attitudes toward felon disenfranchisement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We extend prior studies on racial apathy and monetary sanctions by uncovering the relationship between the two within the realm of preferences for liberal reforms. Our study draws upon the Chicago Area Finances Survey, 2019 to answer three basic questions: (1) Is racial apathy an empirically distinct form of modern prejudice? (2) Is racial apathy of political consequence for liberal reforms on monetary sanctions? (3) Does racial apathy influence other groups besides whites? The reforms we measure feature policies that address the growing debt tied to legal infractions, including the establishment of monthly payment plans, permitting legal debt to be exchanged for community service, and fulfilling debt obligations with the completion of programs that enhance human capital. We find that racial apathy is especially relevant for predicting who withholds support for liberal reforms on monetary sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing First is a hegemonic model of homeless services that advocates immediate placement in permanent supportive housing without preconditions such as sobriety, treatment, or employment. Federal authorities in the United States have adopted Housing First as a governmentality to make social investments through homeless policy. Although research has examined logics that federal authorities used to make this social investment, sociologists have devoted little attention to techniques that frontline workers use to yield returns on social investment in neoliberal cities. This knowledge gap hinders sociologists from theorizing contemporary urban poverty governance. I make three contributions that address this shortcoming. First, I present a unique qualitative analysis that examines techniques that Housing First providers in a U.S. Rust Belt county use to select a lease configuration for their clients. Second, I expand the definition of economization to incorporate logics that Housing First providers use to estimate transaction costs they will confront while mediating rental market exchanges with a particular lease configuration. Third, I demonstrate, unlike federal policymakers who economize homeless populations as public expenditures to make social investments, service providers economize homeless individuals as transaction costs to yield returns on Housing First in urban communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An abusive partner's access to a firearm is one of the strongest predictors of intimate partner homicide, and there is evidence that laws limiting abusers' access to firearms are associated with fewer fatalities. Yet, there is a movement to increase access to firearms as a strategy for self‐protection among intimate partner violence (IPV) victims. The present study describes both firearm‐related and non‐firearm‐related protective actions among victims of IPV, and further examines which factors (e.g., pro‐gun attitudes) are associated with engaging in firearm‐related protective actions. Questionnaires were administered to women recruited from six domestic violence shelters in Texas from December 2017 to September 2018. Nearly 13 percent of victims in the analytic sample (N = 197) engaged in one or more forms of firearm‐related protective actions in the past year. Multivariate analyses revealed that participants were more likely to have engaged in firearm‐related protective actions if they experienced higher firearm‐related IPV and if they held stronger pro‐gun attitudes. The results highlight the importance of basing firearm policy on empirical evidence as firearms can have deadly consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]