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The article presents information on the 1965 issue of the journal "Sociological Inquiry." The 1954 and 1955 Supreme Court decisions on desegregation are the force that set in motion vast changes that are restructuring the very nature of race relations in the United States. This volume contain recent developments relating to race relations in the United States. Its nine essays touch on several of the major areas in which change occurs or in which old blemishes remain. The paper by Robin Williams, with which this issue begins attempts an overview of what has happened in the last two decades. Most of the papers in this set are themselves reports of research appropriate to Williams' contention that intergroup relations are part of the basic dynamics of modem social systems. Richard Lamanna's doctoral dissertation is concerned in part with the response of the Negro public school teacher to desegregation. Lewis Killian turns his attention to the negotiations between representatives of the white and Negro communities.

The paper presents comparison between the associations of British and American voluntary associations. The development of postwar research on the structure and functioning of voluntary associations has been uneven, and there have been marked differences between British and American research in this field. This paper offers a narrow definition of voluntary associations. It defines voluntary associations as groups in which membership is in no sense obligatory, which have a formal constitution, but which do not have paid officials at the local level. The next section of this paper places the subsequent analysis in context by pointing briefly to the very substantial similarities between research in Great Britain and the U.S. The third section discusses differences in the research environments of the two countries, and suggests their relevance to the main problem. The fourth section assesses the differences in research orientations between the two countries, as it has influenced the study of voluntary associations. The final section considers the effect of these differences upon the functional analyses that have been made.

This paper is concerned with the voluntary associations of adolescents. It focuses on three main issues. First, on the extent to which middle-and working-class adolescents are affiliated with and involved in formal organizations; Second, on affiliation as a family-linked characteristic; and third, on whether involvement by an individual in children's associations is related to subsequent membership in formal groups as an adolescent. Data for the study were collected from a sample of 456 students enrolled in high school population of a small city, which is situated 20 miles from Omaha, Nebraska. A very high proportion of middle-class and working-class students in the study were affiliated with groups. The data show that while middle-class students were more likely to be affiliated than working-class students, the differences were not great. Similarly, no important differences along class lines were observed when attendance at meetings were considered. Membership in voluntary groups did indeed prove to be family linked. Students were more likely to join youth associations if a parent belonged to a voluntary association than where this was not the case.

A response is offer to the article within the issue by American sociologist Professor Talcott Parsons on exchange theory and social institutions. An overview of the impact that social institutions have on the relations between mayors and lobbyists, including regard to social values and social norms involved in the relationship, is provided.

This paper presents a study on the nature of influence in regional sociological associations in the U.S. It compares and contrasts organizations and extends an earlier study of three national societies. Data were collected and analyzed which pertained to several characteristics of association presidents. Data about each president were collected for a period of ten years prior to his election. It is noted that as membership in the national associations has become greater, the smaller coteries of specialized interests have developed to delineate members who share a common language. Moreover, the presidency of an organization, as it is occupied by a sequence of incumbents, renders visible the norms and values of members. Information was gathered from news reported in the "American Journal of Sociology" and the "American Sociological Review," from private correspondence, and from association records. The study concerned the six regional societies which are affiliated with the American Sociological Association.

This article explores causes and consequences flowing from conflicts existing between governmental agencies of the United States engaged in the field of intergroup relations. There are three concerns related to the evolution of the problem. The first concerns the differentiation of agencies in terms of both ideology and the typical social work skills of agency personnel. The second relates to the bureaucratic structure of such agencies and its consequences for the actions of agency directors. The final proposition concerns the nature of the competition between agencies for scarce community resources needed to maintain the agency as an ongoing organization. Such conflicts often alienates potential and existing lay support for the intergroup relations program in a community. A second consequence is that the time and energies of agency personnel are consumed with activities unrelated to the stated goals of intergroup relations. Finally, there is often a failure to effect coordination between agencies or to develop an adequate division of labor thus wasting valuable resources.

The article discusses the social sources of criminology. The author states that as a synthetic discipline utilizing the knowledge of separate branches of study, the content of criminology has been shaped to a large degree by the nature of relationships between those disciplines that provide food for criminological thought. Some of those relationships and their effects are the subject of the first part of this article. As a practical discipline oriented to applied results, the content of criminology has also changed with changes in the broader society and its mode of response to criminals, as mediated by occupational groups whose members are charged with the prevention, processing and control of crime. Relationships between the society and its agents on the one hand and social scientists on the other, can be seen in changes that have occurred in specific areas of crime studies. Some of those changes are reviewed in the second part of the article. The author points out in the U.S. the study of crime has been intimately linked with the growth of sociology. As the field was conceived in its early years in this country, sociology was to be in large part a science of social problems, devoted to the study of all those forces bringing misery to industrial man. Study of such problems occupied the center of sociological concerns.

A brief paradigmatic history of American sociology is presented. Conflict methodology is defined and exemplified. It is held to be an essential adjunct to a complete conflict paradigm. A conflict paradigm is relevant to sociological analyses in Eastern and Western Countries in view of the proliferation and power and of the large scale organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A response is offered to the article within the issue by Professor Terry N. Clark on social institutions, or social institutionalization, including the social institutions in U.S. colleges and universities. An overview of Clark's perspective on social roles and social norms, including in regard the relationship between values and the patterns of normative orientation, is provided.

The term ‘secularization,’ when its referent is social institutions and value-norm complexes, is viewed as an instance of differentiation. However, the process of differentiation has both structural and functional components. Confusion in the debate over the nature and extent of secularization in American society arises from the fact that there is disagreement over the functions of religion in a differentiated social setting. A typology of meanings of ‘secularization’ is developed by focusing on this functional component of the differentiation process. This typology, combined with a specification of the various meanings of ‘religion,’ is utilized to pinpoint specific areas of disagreement in the debate over secularization. Suggestions are made on ways to empirically resolve the controversy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a sociological analysis of the the American sociologist Seymour M. Lipset's political values within his work in political sociology, including his belief in the decline of ideology. An overview of Lipset's philosophy on democracy, including in regard to his belief that an egalitarian democracy is not possible and the formation of a political elite, is provided.

A response is the article within the issue by author Coleman Romalis on the topic of sociology, democracy, political sociology, political science and ideology. An overview of the political left, liberalism and the Democratic political party in mid 20th century U.S. politics, including Democrats' role in the Vietnam War, is provided.

This article examines the salient and relevant events surrounding the May 4, 1970 killings of four Kent State University students in Ohio that vividly illuminates mechanisms of social control employed by town officials. On Friday evening, May 1, 1970, the day after President Richard Nixon publicly ordered the U.S. troops into Cambodia, a crowd of youths in downtown Kent, Ohio, expressed their frustration over the broadening of the Vietnam War and broke windows at fifteen business places, setting into motion events which culminated in deaths of Kent State students on May 4. This hostile outburst in Kent was perceived as the planned action of a subversive and revolutionary movement, threatening foundations of the social order. But events which culminated in the Kent killings did not actually constitute a revolutionary movement. The crisis began as a spontaneous protest against the Cambodia invasion, and involved only a minute percentage of Kent State's 20,000 students. Most of youths involved were not revolutionaries. But the radical rhetoric of a few individuals and outbursts of violence led frightened townsmen and their officials to perceive the students' protest as the opening shots of a violent revolution, and to act accordingly.

This article seeks to examine the political behavior of African American community. It is well-known that African American communities in American cities generally lack significant social, economic, and political power relative to larger white communities. Midwestville is a diversified industrial city with a population in the range of 100,000 to 250,000 and is located in the general vicinity of a large metropolitan center. African Americans comprise about 10% of the population. With a perfunctory glance it may appear that representatives of this community, formal and informal, foster effective communications links to powerful external elements. On examination, however, it appears that this representation is ineffective, particularly in facilitating adequate communications links between the African American community and the power structure. But this community's representation is discordant, unstable, and unreliable and is divided among factions, each with its own ideas and approaches for the resolution of community problems.

Recent research on education in the stratification system of the United States is reviewed in light of the demands for data and interpretation which would be generated by a set of national accounts for educational stratification. A descriptive scheme for locating school variables and educational outcomes in the stratification process is proposed. The basic characteristics of the present system of educational stratification in the United States are out- lined. Some of the difficulties of measuring changes in the stratification process are illustrated. Methods and results of large-scale surveys of educational stratification are reviewed. Our limited capacity to produce detailed interpretations of the process of stratification which can be generalized to population cohorts is a major obstacle to improved knowledge and policy in the area of educational stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eruption of oil in Santa Barbara Channel has led to important revelations regarding the nature of power in America: who has it—and more importantly, how it is exercised such that existing societal institutions Junction to undermine dissent and minimize the opportunities for authentic change. The response of local aggrieved citizens to the system thus operating provides additional evidence that the development of radical left perspectives is induced by objective conditions of the American social system. The implications of ‘accidents’ and different forms of ‘events’ for the study of power are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mr. Zeigler, a Director of the Center for Issue Advertising in New York, a television and feature film producer, advertising art director and copywriter, teaches a workshop at the New School for Social Research in Manhattan called ‘Social Change Through Issue Advertising.’ The class functions as a miniature advertising agency for interest groups whose objectives coincide with the workshop's: the defense of an individual's right to his life, health and property through legislative changes. Recognizing the power of advertising to educate and persuade, Mr. Zeigler believes the shortest distance to meaningful social change may be along Madison Avenue. The following is from an interview with him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents response to sociologist Amitai Etzioni about political power and the Great Society. Instead of analyzing power in the U.S., Etzioni merely reasserts the dubious assumptions he should be subjecting to critical observation. Strangely, he himself raises the basis for such a critique but then ignores it. Although he admits that a power differential is the deciding factor in the struggle between competing interest groups, although he admits that "important segments of the citizenry are more or less locked out of the political process," he still concludes that power functions pluralistically in the U.S. and that all people need now is a consensus-producing mechanism. In summary, the fundamental flaw in Etzioni's model of power in American society is that it fails to assess the nature of this power from the point of view of the social structure as a whole. Focusing only on the more privileged segments of that structure, his model describes a plurality of competing interests and uses this as evidence for the essential openness and flexibility of the political system.

One main reason the Great Society never took off was that its programs were not buttressed by a thorough bargaining process with the appropriate interests. While innovative programs can be ‘sold’ to the voters, a consensus among the myriad interest groups and publics that comprise the American polity, such as supported federal aid to education, is vital if they are to survive. To this end, a mechanism that would function outside our relatively ineffectual representative structure, one used successfully in France, is proposed: participatory planning. Existing components of such a plan and others that would be required, such as more sophisticated social data, are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American military exercises social control at home as well as abroad, by non-violent as well as violent means. Especially significant is its use of differential co-optative appeals to control potentially revolutionary strata of youth. Through an examination of military recruiting literature it is possible to discover that different inducements for enlistment, ranging from professionalism to patriotism are offered to women, intellectuals, minority and working class youth. Further, through selectively granting deferments as part of the channeling process, the Selective Service System reinforces the American social structure. Such reinforcement is necessary for the preservation of American corporate liberalism, but simultaneously contributes to the radicalization of youth as a class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a preliminary report of a large project concerning the dependence upon and control of engineers and scientists by the military-corporate structure. Here there is (1) a brief description of the American military economy; (2) an analysis of various explanations of why previous social science research about professionals doing military work in ‘civilian’ corporations has not focused upon the meaning attached to the end product of work— weapons: (3) a typology of role-orientations of engineers and scientists in the war-defense industries, i.e., patterns of perceptions, evaluations, and actions. The article concludes with advocacy of partisan sociology—a sociology of liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article concentrates on the question of social and psychological separation of the academic and intellectual in American society. First, it is apparent that the findings lend support to the view that academics function marginally to the main social structural framework of society, especially self-defined intellectuals. Protestant self-defined intellectuals were equally as marginal as Jews, though more of the latter identified themselves as intellectuals. Respondents were not part and parcel of their community's group life, informal or formal. They by passed the cliques, clubs, and organizations of the core society. Secondly, the academic seems to be separated in an attitudinal sense: a majority of respondents indicated perceiving a serious amount of anti-intellectualism and felt that they held minority views on salient issues. Yet, the academics did not appear to experience status and power deprivations, which one might expect as a corollary of social and psychological marginality. In sum, on certain dimensions the social structural of most of these academics seems to be one of separation: namely, the social structural and attitudinal, or social psychological. The empirical literature, although in short supply, suggests that the academic is socially isolated from the larger society and experiences attitudinal alienation. Interviews with sixty-one college and university professors tended to confirm the said view, but particularly so among those respondents who identified themselves as intellectuals.

The article describes a method similar to Charles Bonjean's modification of the traditional reputational approach to leadership studies. By examining the reputational choices of the top leaders, Bonjean observed that a new "power elite" was revealed. When comparing the reputational choices of the top reputational leaders with those of lower ranking leaders, he found that the two groups perceived different individuals as leaders. He then used this finding to construct a typology of leaders as follows: (1) concealed leaders--those persons who received a significantly higher rank position from top ranking leaders than from lower ranking leaders; (2) symbolic leaders--that persons who received a significantly higher rank position from the lower ranking leaders than given by the top ranking leaders; (3) visible leaders--those persons who received approximately the same ranking by both lower and top leaders. The method was applied to a study of two small communities within a southern state in the U.S. The relative absence of concealed and symbolic leaders suggests that leader visibility is a variable, which varies systematically from community to community. Several community characteristics are posited as explanatory variables determining leader visibility.

The larger movement for racial equality in the United States has experienced considerable structural and ideological differentiation in the past decade, largely as a consequence of disagreement over tactics to be employed. Two direct-action sub-movements, the southern sit-ins and the urban riots, best illustrate the divergence with the former committed to tactical nonviolence and the latter to violent means of effecting social change. To regain the momentum lost through this differentiation, certain leaders must reorganize a major part of the black population around a tactical approach that acknowledges both the peculiar needs and temper of the potential protestors, and the nature and tolerance level of the system it seeks to change. Responding to these criteria, the approach may develop in the form of an extremely militant but basically nonviolent tactic of social disruption, combining all but the most violent techniques used to date by equal rights activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A 1963 nonviolent mass demonstration for civil rights at Durham, N.C., is here described on the basis of interviews with participants, businessmen, and political figures. A utility model to help account for the personnel, form, and site of such a protest includes the processes of evolution, contagion, and reinforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the influence of friends on the speech of an individual. It has been stated that friends are more similar in speech than people who simply are fellow residents of a community. Groups of friends may have shared or may be currently sharing similar experiences which affect their speech, hence friends influence one another's speech. Two traits of speech have been dealt in the report. The pronunciation of postvocalic "r" and the pronunciation of the present-participle ending, "ing." The term postvocalic r refers to etymological r's which follow vowels but do not precede them in words. This trait is regarded as diagnostic in American dialect geography, pronouncing these r's with little or no constriction. In uttering present participles, many people vary, sometimes pronouncing the endings of these words to rhyme with sing when using the velar nasal and sometimes pronouncing the endings of these words to rhyme with sin when not using a velar nasal. The pronunciation of the respondents has been characterized by using the r-scores and ing-scores.

The article focuses on the study of immigration and assimilation in the United States. The immigration to the U.S. has greatly reduced due to the immigration laws enacted in the 1920s. Assimilation has been analyzed with reference to the dissimilarity of foreign-born and second generation fertility patterns. The foreign-born population in the United States exhibits different fertility than the native Americans. Fertility has been chosen as the indicator of assimilation, because it is essentially a familial variable, and the family, is generally recognized to be a basic unit of society, one of the most stable social institutions, and less variable than material culture. Thus, if generational change toward the modal American fertility patterns were to be noted here, it would constitute an indicator of a more personally committed stance toward the host society than some of the more superficial indices of assimilation, such as dress, naturalization, or speech. The degree to which the second generation adopts the family values of the host society, when compared with the degree to which the family values of the foreign-born generation are retained, yields an indication of the amount of assimilation by the second generation.

This article presents results of a study that was conducted to analyze the speech variation and social structure in a North Carolina Piedmont community. In this study, only one linguistic variable is considered which is the pronunciation of postvocalic "r." The sample for the study, was restricted to white residents of the community. Each of the 1,121 dwelling units normally occupied by white residents was located; a random sample of 400 units was selected from among these. The sample was evaluated by comparing respondents interviewed early (during August) to those interviewed later with respect to social and demographic characteristics and by comparing respondents to nonrespondents. It was noted that rates at which "r" was pronounced are not normally distributed about a single central value but tend to be bimodal. Moreover, such bimodality is most pronounced among the higher status residents of the community. A study of transcriber reliability shows that perception of "r" in postvocalic position, in at least one sense of the term perception, is influenced by the speech habits of transcribers as well as syllable structure.

This article presents information on the approach to the study of community power. The purpose of this study did not require delineation of the local power structure. Nevertheless, for reasons not relevant here, a series of questions typical of reputational power structure studies were asked. The particular item of concern requested each respondent to name the seven most important people in the city. Obviously, in giving a large sample as many as seven choices to apply to what could have been for them an almost infinite pool, the researcher Joel Smith and Thomas Hood should expect a considerable list of names if no common factors guide individual choices, they did, in fact, remark upon the sheer magnitude of the actual list that resulted, for it reminded them the so-called reputational method has two major forms. The first takes nominations from only a relatively small panel of respondents chosen on the assumption that they are insiders who must know who gets his way or who must be considered. The second, probably with considerably less rationale, subjects a cross-sectional sample of an area population to approximately the same type of question.

The article presents the study to enhance understanding in the area of military participation in voluntary associations. The focal point of interest was the membership and participation pattern of a random stratified sample of U.S. air force personnel. The study was based on the questionnaire responses of 141 airmen who represented six different military ranks. 76 of the men were officers and 65 were enlisted personnel. The findings of the study were that 72 percent of the individuals were members of at least one voluntary association, other than religious or servicemen's clubs; Officers had a significantly greater number of memberships in voluntary associations than enlisted men; There was a tendency for a limited number of airmen to have a disproportionate share of the memberships. This was true for both the officers and the enlisted men;The mean frequency of attendance was greater for enlisted men than officers; Only a small proportion of the officers and enlisted personnel attended meetings to a very high extent; Officers had a greater number of memberships in groups associated with the upper class than enlisted men; For both the officers and enlisted men, age and marital and family status were significantly related to membership in voluntary associations.

For understanding the roles of moderate whites today, this article assesses a historical case of organized moderation which apparently was quite successful in reaching its admittedly limited goals, the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching (ASWPL). In many respects the ladies of the ASWPL were a pioneer white group speaking out for moderation in the Deep South, and in the record of their activities one finds important similarities with racial moderates and liberals in United States today. The term 'moderate' is used throughout this article to designate persons who, at the minimum, favor desegregation in the abstract and law and order . The case of the ASWPL may be instructive for understanding the role of racial moderation today if viewed in the framework of a crisis theory of social change. There are at least three logically deprivable roles which the moderate may play: Initiator, Conciliator and Educator. The Associations members acted as catalysts in speeding the process of detraditionalization.

The purpose of this article is to deal with four main topics pertaining to the past two decades of the history of intergroup relations in the United States. First, changes in group structures and social identities, social structure and prejudice, thirdly, the base of organized protest and finally, processes of conflict and conflict resolution. great changes have occurred in the internal structures of and the relations among racial, ethnic and religious collection. As cultural differences associated with national origins and language have been reduced as a consequence both of greatly reduced immigration and of extensive acculturation, racial distinctions have moved into a more central position in the total societal structure. Racial prejudice, both as a sense of group position and as a belief in the "difference" and inferiority of subordinates is a major norm in American society today. In the case of Negro-white relations in recent times, the conflict has been centered upon pressure for change from Negroes, versus the resistance to change from white partisans of the status quo ante.

The article measures the impact of an international boundary on the spatial pattern of television channel selection in a region where channels originating from both Canada and the United States are mutually receivable. It presents the findings of an exploratory study carried out in several communities on both sides of the United States-Canadian boundary, specifically between Washington and British Columbia. Television has become one of the most important and ubiquitous elements of cultural diffusion in society. The geographical spread of its availability has brought an overwhelming majority of the population within the range of its influence in North America. Although there are varying opinions as to the degree and the nature of the sociological impact of television, there is undisputed agreement that television has become a major culture element with a strong potential for the development of consensus, conformity and standardized values. Television, however, does not achieve equal spatial impact.

The article focuses on the impact of television in contemporary American society. It uses content analysis to explore and illuminate certain dimensions of program presentation that could serve as models for television viewers' behavior. Goals, methods, and combinations of goals and methods presented on programs viewed by various segments of the television audience are analyzed. The degree to which approved goals are portrayed as being successfully achieved by either approved or disapproved methods are also studied. Since many critics appear to worry less about the content of children's programs and are more concerned about adult programs which children are known to watch, it becomes of interest to attempt to determine the extent to which content differs over program types relative to the amount of difference within program types. In this article, a goal was defined by any verbal act or behavior by any character indicating a desire or wish for an identifiable situation. By situation is meant a state of affairs, an identifiable system of relationships.

This article focuses on innovators and early adopters of television. The "age of television" began for the general public in the United States twenty years ago when the Federal Communications Commission approved commercial telecasting as of July 1, 1941. In the two decades that followed, particularly in the period after World War II, the adoption of this technological innovation occurred at such a rate that television supplanted radio and the film as the most important medium of popular culture. Today, according to a U.S. Census report, nine out of ten American homes are equipped with at least one set, and there are now more homes with multiple sets than there are homes without sets. Rural sociologists, and more recently students of mass communication, have devoted considerable research to deciphering the communicative elements and mapping the social pathways that lead to the adoption of an innovation. Despite the speed at which some innovations apparently spread through a population, not all people adopt it at the same time.

The article discusses sociological studies of radical student movement. There recently has been a significant increase in studies of radical student movements. This is part of the general orientation of applied sociological research and must be explained in terms of the over-all context in which such research takes place. The reward structure within departments of sociology as well as the availability of research funds greatly influence the kind of problems sociologists investigate. Student radicalism cuts into corporate capitalism's vital and growing need for technical and scientifically-trained workers who tractably accept the values and aspirations of the dominant society. The developing radical political consciousness emerging among those students who will later work in strategic locations in industry allows for the gradual radicalization of a crucial sector of the working class. Lastly, as a potential and in some cases active ally of revolutionary movements throughout the world as well as third world and working class struggles here in the United States, the student movement obstructs counter-insurgency efforts abroad while strengthening the ability of groups like the Black Panthers and the Standard Oil refinery workers in Richmond to resist domestic repression and exploitation.