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Elaborates on the factors affecting the process of publishing a research paper. Quality and importance of the data, analysis, implications and writing; Marketing; Costs of publishing.

The points raised by professor Delbert C. Miller in his paper about the future direction of industrial sociology are analyzed. The critic agreed with the argument by Miller that industrial sociology needs to be reestablished as a separate discipline--separate from organizational sociology, sociology of occupations and sociology of work. Points in the history of industrial sociology are reviewed to support the grounds of Miller's paper. Along with industrial sociology and economics, sociology has successfully dealt with the central institution of economic life in the United States. Furthermore, industry was the scene of what seemed then to be the most important developments in American society: the rise of the labor movement and the intense conflicts between management and labor.

Tins paper is intended as an effort at taking-stock of the reference group concept after nearly three decades of use, the latter two of which have been marked by its more than ample employment. Its popularity indeed has so frequently led to its serving as an all-purpose post hoc explanation of behavior that it has led to the wry definition, "Your reference group is a group that you behave like and you behave like them because they're your reference group" (Cohen, 1962: 104). The inconsistencies, lack of clarity, but also areas of agreement which have marked the varied formulations of the concept, will be apparent from the following review and commentary. The Final discussion indicates some of the matters still to be considered in the use of thin important but perhaps overworked concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on publications produced by one of the oldest and leading professional associations dealing with intellectual disability (ID), this paper explores the continual maintenance of expertise over potentially contested classifications. I find that, given unforeseen difficulties among professionals in actually defining and classifying what is currently known as ID as well as the later addition of new stakeholders in the advocacy field, professionals’ understanding of revision shifted over time from a problem to ultimately be solved to a “legacy of revision” used to explain past changes in criteria and anticipate further ones. In analyzing this legacy, I focus on professionals’ understanding of several shifts surrounding diagnostic and classification criteria over the course of the twentieth and into the twenty-first century. To the extent that previous literature suggests that ambiguities surrounding classification are to be expected, this paper shows how professionals in the ID field drew on resonant themes and rhetorically (re)framed past and future changes in their maintenance of expertise in a field that dramatically shifted in what was acceptable in the treatment of people with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries worldwide are experiencing a sharp wave of democratic decline that is cutting away at the gains made toward democracy that had occurred in decades prior. While the majority of scholars demonstrate a robust positive association between civil society and democracy, historical case studies in political sociology have demonstrated that nations with robust civic spheres can become cauldrons of anti-democratic politics under particular circumstances, particularly when the country has weak and ineffective political parties and when the country has autocratic movements working to degrade the democracy. While these case studies illuminate important caveats to leading research on civil society, these findings have not been tested at a cross-national level. In this paper, we ask how weak political parties and autocratic mobilization moderate the extent to which countries with more civic participation have stronger democracies around the world. We examine this research question using the continuous level of electoral democracy. Findings of our statistical analysis reveal support for the conditioning effects of weak political parties and autocratic mobilization on the relationship between civil society and electoral democracy and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unequal homeownership access is a major component of ethno-racial stratification. Previous studies have demonstrated substantial ethno-racial disparities in access and outcomes throughout the homeownership process. In addition, prior research has assumed that mortgage applicants have a similar age distribution across ethno-racial groups. This paper draws on annual data from the 2018 and 2019 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) to assess variation in ethno-racial disparities in loan outcomes associated with different ages. I show that ethno-racial disparities in loan outcomes vary tremendously when considering the age of the applicant. I demonstrate that loan rejections and high-cost loan originations are highest among Latino and Black borrowers across age groups compared to Whites. Black borrowers have worse adverse loan outcomes than Whites, regardless of age. Depending on the adverse loan outcome, Asians perform similarly or underperform compared to Whites. In addition, older applicants are more likely to be denied a mortgage loan than younger applicants, while the trends for high-cost loans vary considerably across ethno-racial groups. When examining high-cost loan originations, Latinos above 65 years old (who are the best performing Latino sub-group) underperform Whites regardless of age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gig work platforms often promise workers flexibility and freedom from formal constraints on their work schedules. Some scholars have questioned whether this "formal flexibility" actually helps people arrange gig work around non-work commitments, but few studies have examined this empirically. This paper examines how hours spent in microtask work – a form of gig work with high formal flexibility – influence work-to-life conflict (WLC) relative to conventional work hours, and how these relationships differ by workers' gender and financial situation. Fixed-effects regressions using panel data from workers on Amazon's Mechanical Turk platform (MTurk) suggest that microtask work hours are just as closely associated with WLC as conventional work hours. Moreover, microtask work disadvantages the same groups as conventional work (i.e. women and financially struggling workers). Only financially comfortable men seem immune from microtask hours' association with WLC. This suggests that the benefits of gig work's formal flexibility are often elusive. We argue that platforms like MTurk promote a flexibility mystique: the illusory promise that gig work empowers workers to set their own schedules and earn decent income without disrupting their personal/family lives. The gig economy's expansion may thus do little to bring work-life balance to the masses or alleviate inequalities at the work-life nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to author's commentaries on the article "The Study of Organizational Effectiveness," by J. L. Price. The basis of simplistic approach rests with three assumptions supposedly made by the paper. First, the paper, according to the authors, assumes uniformity in the meanings that respondents attach to words designating core organizational activities. The paper assumes that respondents possess knowledge and competency with respect to the evaluation of nursing care within their limited spheres of involvement in the hospitals. Although, it may be desirable to have a general measure of organizational effectiveness for the reason suggested in the paper, this may not be possible. Some scholars believe that organizational effectiveness is so specific that a general measure cannot be developed.

Discusses criticism and creative ways academic authors to respond to it, with special attention to the problems that can arise when authors and referees disagree.

In this paper, we examine how structural and social-psychological factors combine to motivate urban environmental activism. Specifically, we argue that residents' everyday perceptions about environmental, social, and political conditions in their neighborhoods and cities are connected to their likelihood of involvement in environmental collective action. We use logistic regression models and original survey data from the 2021 Cook County Community Survey (n = 1,069) to investigate whether urban residents' perceptions of the conditions where they live are associated with their likelihood of participating in protests or public meetings around environmental issues. Our findings show that, in the context of the Chicago metropolitan area, residents who perceive worse environmental conditions in their communities, feel a greater sense of belonging to their neighborhoods, and feel they understand local politics and have political power are more likely to mobilize. In contrast, those who are pessimistic about the future of their neighborhoods are less likely to act. The study suggests that participation in urban environmental collective action is partly explained by how people interpret the daily surroundings they routinely navigate and experience where they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social changes tied to late modernity and an increasingly precarious labor market have facilitated the emergence of fortune as a potentially significant element for understanding contemporary society. This article approaches this contingent, individualized, secularized, and uncertain panorama from the perspective of the young adults tasked with navigating these societal transformations and the effects of a prolonged economic crisis. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults in Spain, it examines how chance/luck is employed by these individuals. A typology is presented and discussed, consisting of four different relationships with fortune. In the participants' narratives this paper finds a meritocratic approach, which involves an understanding that good luck is attained through individual initiative, but also relationships less concerned with human agentic power where it can be conceived as an explanatory or meaning making device, as a threat or as an element tied to hope. Consequently, the article seeks to address a gap in sociological research, which has tended to overlook the analytical relevance of fortune, arguing that it constitutes a central element to the symbolic frameworks of these vulnerable young adults as they make their way through a changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Dream has long been understood as a “shorthand summary of a nation’s collective aspirations” (Hauhart 2015:65). What determines optimism about the Dream? This paper uses nationally representative data collected at a critical historical juncture to advance research which has connected the American Dream to America’s racial history. We find faith in the American Dream was racialized into the 21st-Century, both in the sense that our data show different levels of optimism toward the Dream by race and in that predictors of belief vary by racialized experiences and ideologies. We find that most Americans continued to believe in the American Dream, but contrary to prominent 20th-Century understandings, whites became less optimistic than persons of color, and that this remaining white belief was complex, with racial attitudes being central. Predictors of belief in the Dream were different by race in ways that may vitally reflect how collective aspirations are conceived from within unfolding American racial civic histories and 21st-Century racial hierarchies, patterns we discuss as privileged multiculturalism (whites), meritocratic incorporation (Hispanics), and positive social inclusion (Blacks). Ultimately, these findings suggest that the socio-cultural significance of the American Dream is not just tied to material position but intertwined with racialized cultural expectations, outlooks, and status concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractWithin urban sociology, the unpredictability of poor, urbanized space explains why black youth are “present oriented” and why they treat orientations to the future as futile. But where urban sociology suspends black youth in time and space, this research aims to de-arrest them from the “ethnographic present.” Drawing on data from in-depth interviews with thirty youth, I make the case that within “present orientations” there is prescience. This paper is based on over one year of fieldwork at Run-a-Way – a center for youth in Minneapolis, Minnesota. With limited life chances and limited chances at life, youth at Run-a-Way saw the future as fugitive. Instead of being a paralyzing force keeping youth suspended in time, present orientations were marked by the production of nowness, in light of a prescient vision of what is to come. Because black youth chose not to entertain liberal futurities directed towards “rights” and “freedoms” associated with a post-raciality did not make them present oriented. It made them prepared. As prescience comes to serve as a more accurate signifier of black youth’s relation to the future, we come to see why the “ethnographic present” and the interpellation of blackness through abjection are both unsustainable and obsolete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do scientists construct the meaning of science as oppositional to politics? How do the institutional contexts of scientists' work environment, training processes, and peer-group interactions reflect scientists' understanding of scientific practices, rules of the scientific field, and themselves as scientists? I argue that scientists' practice of boundary-work between science and politics is institutionally nurtured by a series of processes, which I call boundary-training. Drawing on ethnographic research at a molecular biology laboratory, this article reveals various tactics of boundary-training. Scientists are trained to routinely consume material infrastructure and produce massive scientific data. They internalize productivity-oriented academic life and valorize controllability in science labs to achieve this goal. Individuals' self-reliance and survival become core virtues of scientific enterprise. All combined, scientists are trained to believe that their works are irrelevant to social and political circumstances. This mundane depoliticization of science contributes to the consequence that the scientific field becoming a more efficient apparatus of political and economic powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding how youth conceptualize adulthood can give insight into how they make major life decisions that aggregate into larger trends. Yet research on beliefs about adulthood is underdeveloped with respect to gender, non-Western experience, and parental influence. Based on interviews with 71 young men and women in southwestern China, I demonstrate that neither of the prevailing paradigms for understanding the transition to adulthood fully accounts for how interviewees conceive of this stage of the life course. Instead, the Linked Lives principle, which emphasizes the interdependence of lives, better addresses interviewees' prioritizing support of parents in defining adulthood as well as the significance they attach to the traditional markers. Finally, gender intersects with the Linked Lives principle such that women are less likely than men to view themselves as adults. This paper demonstrates how looking at gender and Linked Lives together can give more insight into the transition to adulthood, especially outside the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about how portrayals of American unity (i.e. "we're all in this together") have been received by essential workers on the front lines of the COVID risk divide, and how the pandemic may have contributed to perceptions of class inequality among lower-income workers. In this paper, we draw upon 192 in-depth interviews with precarious and gig-based workers in New York City. We find that during the height of the first wave of the pandemic, precarious workers often expressed frustration over class-based inequalities and antagonism toward elites. Many respondents expressed significant skepticism toward messages that the pandemic has brought Americans together. Instead, workers identified two distinct, class-based realities in New York: elite Americans are able to socially-distance in "mansions," or on "yachts," while precarious workers struggled to weather the storm in "dinghies." Likewise, workers felt "abandoned" by wealthy owners and managers, who fled the city to socially-distanced homes in beach communities and surrounding suburbs. Our findings suggest that low-wage, high-risk workers articulate complex conceptualizations of inequality and convey grievances toward elites during the pandemic. This study contributes to broader literature on perceived inequality, the rise of noxious work, and the social consequences of COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social problems claims use rhetoric and other tools of symbolic communication to persuade audiences that some troubling condition is important and needs to be addressed. This paper considers how common measures of social time are employed as rhetorical elements in social problems claims. It is argued that time units operate as temporal frames that contribute to the structure of claims, articulate core meanings, and facilitate spread into relevant public arenas. A typology of three general ways that social problems claims incorporate temporal frames is offered; these include metered time units, attention maintenance mechanisms, and epochal markers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to consider the relationship between an emergent decay of social trust created by the Covid-19 pandemic and the formation of "in" and "out" groups. Data from 37 extensive semi-structured interviews with members of the public in England found that identifying the "other" through normative conceptions of "security and order" was used by participants to legitimize their own presence within the "in" group, while self-reported compliance with restrictions was used to construct identities to be in line with that of the "in" group. These findings have important implications both for social trust within and between communities and toward the police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how labor inspectors deal with ambiguous legal boundaries between those who can and who cannot be identified as a labor exploitation victim. Street-level bureaucracy research has largely overlooked how frontline officers deal with victims. We combine the street-level bureaucracy framework with insights from symbolic interactionism and criminology about 'ideal/iconic victims' to explain how inspectors use heuristics based on societal norms about victimhood to deal with legal ambiguity when dealing with potential labor exploitation cases. Using qualitative vignette studies in Belgium and the Netherlands, our results show that the perceived vulnerability and blamelessness of employees have a crucial role in inspectors' assessment of who is and is not a labor exploitation victim. More specifically, migrant workers are seen as more vulnerable than native workers, particularly if they are female, and perceived complicity of social fraud reduces the chance that workers are seen as exploitation victims. Furthermore, also perceived employer characteristics have a role in case assessment. Our findings thus show that within the context of legal ambiguity, labor inspectors use stereotypical societal victim perceptions as heuristics, which can result in legal uncertainty and the risk that those suffering exploitations do not receive the support they need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As sociologists, we engage in history whether or not we see ourselves, professionally, as historical sociologists. These remarks discuss the varieties of ways sociologists use and approach historical scholarship, including history-as-context, analytic comparative/historical sociology, and interpretive approaches. I also reflect on the first fifty years of Midwest Sociological Society to show that, at different moments, the MSS mirrored, propelled, or lagged behind societal change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two aims. First, we apply Bourdieu's field theory to investigate media discourse on race and immigration, demonstrating how features of news organizations influence news content. Second, we compare contemporary natural language processing (NLP) techniques with qualitative hand-coding. Extending a previous study, we compare newspaper articles from the mainstream and black press in Atlanta. We find significant differences in both word-use and topical coverage in immigration articles aimed at the two audiences. With a focus on organizational resources and values, our quantitative approach to field theory facilitates a better understanding of the journalistic landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between the perceived presence of state forces and non-state actors and the levels of criminal violence affecting Central America. It contends that state presence in some communities does not necessarily lead to lower crime levels than communities where state institutions are absent. The data of this study come from three nationally representative surveys conducted in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. The findings suggest that state forces, such as the police and the military, have a limited role in reducing criminal violence rates. In contrast, non-state armed actors, such as vigilantes and community groups, may have a more significant role in reducing violence in some circumstances. We analyze these findings as evidence of the complex relationships between state actors, non-state actors, and criminal violence in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Putnam introduced his constrict thesis in 2007, many researchers have established that ethnic diversity lowers perceptions of social cohesion, at least in the short term. The connection between ethnic diversity and social behavior, however, is less certain. In this paper we draw on social distance and social identity theories to empirically test if ethnic diversity encourages behaviors linked to social withdrawal. Using data from a longitudinal panel study of urban communities in Australia, we examine the influence of social distance on neighborhood ties, neighborly exchange, and civic engagement and assess if an individual's social identity (ethnic or civic) strengthens or weakens these relationships. We find individuals that endorse an ethnic identity are more likely to engage in social withdrawal behaviors. Withdrawal is also more likely in neighborhoods where individuals distort the presence of minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on research conducted in Colorado in late-2019 and again post-COVID outbreak, from April through May of 2020. In addition to (virtual) face-to-face interviews, the study used a GPS tracking app to map respondents' macromobilities – trips from one GPS coordinate to another. The data presented are informed by practice theory. The paper's findings focus on the themes of competencies, moralities, and mobilities. Gender proved a particularly significant variable for disentangling the diversity and contingency involved in the social effects of the pandemic, while also stressing the continuities of practice for some, and disruptions for others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociological study of intellectual recognition has tended to focus on highly cited and highly acclaimed authors and perspectives, while reserving some interest for those who are "forgotten." We know much less about the liminal cases: authors who are in-between fame and oblivion. This paper proposes a way to study intellectual recognition, by examining the liminal case of sociologist Charles H. Cooley. Based on a multilayered (quantitative and qualitative) citation analysis of Cooley's classic work, Human Nature and the Social Order (HNSO), we study the role of intellectual deference in accounting for this liminality. Specifically, we identify two distinct deference processes: acknowledgment and involvement. We argue that Cooley has survived intellectual oblivion by standing on the shoulders of citers, as he has received substantial acknowledgment but decreasing involvement. In the conclusion, we discuss the implications of our paper for the understanding of the making of sociological theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent flourishing of visual methods is not mirrored in studies of taste. This paper engages with photo elicitation (PE), which Bourdieu applied in Distinction, but never elaborated on. We conducted systematic photo-interviewing in arts, fiction and architecture. After reviewing the relevant literature, we highlight illustrative findings and discuss the potential of PE. In studies of taste, PE helps in bridging "social worlds", and can unveil class-based repertoires for understanding culture. It provides entry to tacit knowledge, and aids comparisons. Importantly, when two methods, PE and oral interviewing, are used in combination, this significantly helps substantiate our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite extensive literature examining human rights decoupling between treaty commitments and practices, little research has addressed how to fill these empty promises. This paper proposes a mechanism neglected in prior studies that might play an important role in narrowing human rights decoupling and improving world society model compliance: foreign aid. Using longitudinal analysis on a sample of 120 aid-receiving countries between 1981 and 2011, we find: total aid has a significant effect on reducing human rights decoupling; aid to good governance shows a similar pattern but the impact is much weaker; by contrast, aid to human rights has limited influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What social and political factors explain the presence of Stand-Your-Ground (SYG) laws in US. states? This paper assesses the influence of crime and violence prevalence, minority threat theory, and self-help theory on SYG law adoption using discrete-time event-history analysis. Our findings indicate that these laws are linked to a violent vigilante and racially animus past. We also find evidence for minority threat theory with minority presence positively associated with SYG law adoption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gestational surrogacy exposes a group of reproductively healthy women to highly medicalized assisted reproductive interventions. This paper conducts a close examination of the medicalization of the surrogate body to better understand how women who act as surrogates navigate issues of power, autonomy, and control. Drawing on thirty-three in-depth interviews with women who were surrogates in the United States, I find women construct a highly scientific and embodied expertise of knowledge to prepare for, and execute, their responsibilities as a surrogate. I demonstrate that surrogates have a unique relationship to the issues of power and control that arise in the medicalization process. This distinctive orientation to medicalization does not render the issues of power and control obsolete, rather it contextualizes how women navigate these issues within their gendered and embodied labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note outlines the type of papers which the U.S. periodical "The Sociological Quarterly" wishes to publish. The periodical is a general sociological journal, and as such does not place any quotas on the number of papers it shall publish in any specific area. It nearly always considers scholarly sociological research and writing done by sociologists as being within the journal's acceptable limits. The note airs a special call for articles on the teaching of sociology as well.

Sociologists have long argued that institutions like religion or the economy can become relatively distinct spheres that facilitate and constrain action, goal setting, and decision-making. But few empirical studies have looked closely at how institutions become relatively distinct cultural and structural domains. This paper examines how institutional entrepreneurs—in this case, Major League Baseball (MLB) sportswriters—build and sustain institutional boundaries by considering how they create a distinct cultural discourse that infuses baseball places, times, and events with culturally distinct meanings. Drawing from sportswriters’ columns, documentaries, and monographs written on baseball I show that MLB entrepreneurs have developed and disseminated a discourse oriented around the generalized medium of sport exchange, interaction, and communication: competitiveness. Using these data, this article examines how baseball writing becomes quantified and embodied in tangible and intangible forms. Additionally, the paper draws on sport columns that illustrate how MLB entrepreneurs protect the autonomy of a sacred core (the Hall of Fame) from internal threats (gambling and performance-enhancing drugs) and external corruption (the influence of money). The paper ends with a discussion of implications for the applicability of the findings to other sports and institutional domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four decades of rising incomes at the top, combined with income stagnation and declining intergenerational social mobility for the majority of American households, have combined to produce what has been widely described as a "new gilded age" in the United States. Yet analyses of the best available survey data reveal little evidence of a proportional increase in policy demands for redistribution over time. What explains this puzzling pattern of non-responsiveness? One classical explanation, revived in recent economic literature, postulates that high and persisting levels of optimism about the chances for advancement and social mobility reduce Americans' willingness to support redistributive public policies. Although seemingly paradoxical in the current economic environment, the "prospect of upward mobility" (POUM) hypothesis is consistent with cross-national survey evidence revealing relatively high levels of support for such beliefs. What about trends over-time? This raises an important and largely unexamined question: Have underlying beliefs about POUM also shaped Americans' attitudes toward redistributive policies during the era of rising inequality? In this paper, we examine the POUM-policy preference link, and how it has changed in recent decades. We find that POUM beliefs have shaped how individuals form policy attitudes toward inequality and taxes, net of partisanship, income, and confidence in government. Study findings provide new and provocative evidence in support of the POUM hypothesis, and we discuss implications for models of inequality attitudes and more generally scholarship on the politics of rising inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on data from 12 focus group discussions of a faith-based prison ministry program to examine how ordinary Americans talk about the separation of church and state. The focus groups – conducted in Houston, Minneapolis-St. Paul, and Boston – revealed that program supporters and opponents draw on different moral frameworks, with supporters focusing on a framework of care and opponents focusing on a framework of justice. The findings affirm the centrality of moral concerns in shaping citizen stances on church-state separation and suggest that meaningful political compromise is possible on the issue of government support of faith-based social services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article serves as an introduction to the issue's special feature on "The Nuclear Threat." The early sociological literature on nuclear war related issues is reviewed and the dearth of sociological work in this area since the early 1960s is documented. A new call for sociological theory and research on the nuclear threat is issued and possible topics are outlined. The paper concludes with a brief review of the papers that make up the special feature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper written by Professor Delbert Miller about the future direction of industrial sociology is critiqued. Miller addressed the related two related themes which are the need for sociology departments to remodel offerings to compete for students in the educational marketplace and the importance of sharpening the discipline's identity as a specialization directed at business and industry. As a result of the proposed changes in the discipline, students would become viable candidates for personnel, human resources and industrial relations positions. Miller was not suggesting that sociology departments or industrial sociologists have absolutely avoided applications. Rather, neither has sufficiently developed such programs to brake the loss of sociology majors to university units that promise more marketable training.

In order to determine the directions which the field of sociology of occupations has taken in recent years, a content analysis of articles on work and occupations in four general sociological journals and two specialized journals was completed for the years of 1976 to early 1982. Not surprisingly, there has been a rapid increase in the number of papers dealing with status and income attainment. Very surprisingly, there has been a near demise of papers on the professions. Another dominant thrust has been the large number of articles on women and sex roles. Satisfaction and alienation at work and attempts at job redesign have also received increasing attention. Papers on other topics have received less concentrated attention. Moving beyond the results of the content analysis, the present work discusses unresolved theoretical issues and potential new directions for the content areas. It is suggested that even for sociologists who do not identify themselves as specialists in occupations, the occupational variable remains a dominant one in sociological analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the applicability of Parsonian "pattern-variables" in defining a constructed type. Specification of boundaries or cutting-off points of role relationships in Weber's three types of authority systems, while an intriguing problem, is a project too great in scope for a short paper. Instead, for this preliminary attempt, a social system has been selected in which a few crucial role relationships define its character. It is also a system familiar to sociologists. The setting selected is the educational institution at the university level. The type to be defined, "the seat of learning," is perhaps the most "ideal" of ideal types. A number of other constructed type educational institutions might be isolated, e.g., "marriage markets," "sources of status," "diploma mills," or, perhaps, "campus playgrounds." Sets of role relationships could be specified to define any of these types. For purposes of illustration, however, the definition of one type will be sufficient. Four steps are involved in defining the constructed type: (1) selection of the crucial role pairs; (2) the definition of the chosen role relationships by use of the pattern-variables; (3) measurement of the pattern- variable choices; and (4) establishment of boundary points for the pattern-variables themselves. The fourth step will not be completed in this paper; it is felt that the necessary methodological apparatuses are already available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from a 2011 survey of Canadian workers to examine complications in the work–family interface due to the rising expectations of constant connectivity – that is, technological tethering – between work and home domains. We analyze whether the relationship between job contact outside of normal hours and work-to-family conflict is differently experienced by cohorts of digital natives versus digital immigrants. Digital natives' unique upbringing in a technology-driven sociocultural landscape has led to widespread assumptions regarding their heightened ability to handle communication demands delivered via work extending technologies. However, we find that being a digital native does not weaken the focal relationship, irrespective of additional gender and occupational status contingencies. We discuss the implications of this null finding for theoretical views about digital natives, as well as for communication practices in the modern workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of several factors, including performance, on attitudes toward high executive pay. We ask: would people agree on whether a CEO's pay is too high or too low, fair or unfair, and right or wrong, if they could be more certain than typically possible regarding a CEO's relevant contributions? Using data from a population-based survey experiment (N = 1,170), we find that the effects of a CEO's inputs are small next to the effects of predispositions (e.g. core values people bring to the issue), with implications for how pay at the top is justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the corporate class fractured or it is able to transcend individual interest in favor of a collective interest? I address this debate through a unique application – how large corporations respond to social movement demands. Through a statistical examination of an original database of protests, I find mechanisms still exist that unify the interests of firms targeted by movements. Specifically, policy-planning groups shape and unify firm strategies over whether to concede to or resist protest demands. In addition, I find the impact of these networks is not limited to narrow industry logics, but transcends the broader business community. Together, these findings suggests that when it comes to shaping their politics in response to social movement challengers, large firms do not respond as atomistic actors but are able to draw on their social networks, fostering a broad collective interest. In asking how the social relations of large firms shape protest outcomes, this paper bridges broad questions in organizational, social movement, and class analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11 and the Trump campaign in 2016, organized Islamophobia has been on the rise in the U.S. In this article, I ask: How do those leading and participating in anti-Muslim mobilizations justify this discriminatory activism? To answer this question, I conducted a frame analysis of an anti-Muslim mobilization in Aberdeen, SD from 2016–2017. I analyzed the content of public meetings during this period (n = 8), the public Facebook posts of a local hate group, the Americans First, Task Force (n = 454), and individual Facebook user comments (n = 1370). I find that color-blind racist frames, place-based racial storytelling , white victimhood, and racialization are the central justifications deployed in this mobilization's frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women and racial minorities have made significant inroads into senior managerial and, especially, board of director positions over the past half-century. Despite this, there is little research on gender and racial differences in the political behavior of corporate elites. In this study, we investigate whether and how gender, race, and their intersection shape the political donation strategies of elite actors. Relying on a novel longitudinal corporate elites' political donation database, we provide the first systematic elite-level analysis of political donations to U.S. Congressional campaigns during the 1980-2014 election cycles. Overall, we find that, compared to men, women elites are less likely to donate, but are more Democrat-leaning and give to more ideologically extreme candidates. We also find evidence of intersectionality between gender and race in political donations among corporate elites. While elites of color favor the Democratic Party overall, our results suggest minority men concentrate their donations on more centrist candidates relative to women. Notably, white men are the only reliably Republican constituency within this elite group. Our results portend potentially far-reaching consequences for the party system as the composition of the American corporate elite grows more racially and gender diverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although religion once played a central role in sociological inquiry, today it has fallen from prominence and now occupies a marginal space in the field. Sociologists of religion suggest that this neglect can be explained by the unusual irreligiosity of academia. However, some are hopeful that changes to graduate training and other institutional interventions can overcome this propensity and encourage more sociological engagement with religion, one of the most influential forces in contemporary society. Drawing on a new dataset of 473 sociology graduate students in the top 25 departments in the United States, we assess how personal secularity and departmental support for religious inquiry predict sociological engagement with religion. Personal secularity is a strong predictor of the decision to study religion and of the overall perception of the relevance of religion in contemporary society. Coming from a department where religion is discussed and faculty pursue research on religion predicts the perception of religion's relevance for the secular majority. Our findings contribute to the understanding of sociological knowledge creation and how individual and institutional proclivities – together – shape what we deem important enough to study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early 2000s, the U.S. government began to partner with local law enforcement agencies for assistance with the enforcement of immigration laws. Participation in the voluntary 287(g) program by law enforcement agencies was an important early iteration of this new strategy. Although relatively few agencies adopted 287(g), its implementation was a critical turning point in the nation's approach to immigration enforcement and has been linked to a wide range of negative consequences for Latinos, including higher levels of violent victimization, and decreases in police trust. This study advances knowledge about the factors associated with 287(g) program adoption during the late 2000s. We examined the role of agency ethnoracial diversity and fiscal capacity and several theoretically relevant indicators of the broader county context. Based on a sample of 880 law enforcement agencies located in 233 counties, rare event logistic regression models indicate that the strongest predictors of 287(g) adoption were the share of county population estimated to be undocumented immigrants, the degree of support for the Republican Presidential candidate, and the relative unemployment of Hispanic and non-Hispanic White residents. Overall, the results suggest that 287(g) was primarily a political response to concerns about the potential threats associated with undocumented immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article replies to comments of David Klein on a discussion of the role of conceptual frameworks or paradigms in the development of theory in sociology and the social sciences. The three major points of the discussion are summarized, and the author claims that Klein failed to refute any of these major points. At several points Klein seems to confuse conceptual analysis with conceptual frameworks. The paper is not a blanket condemnation of conceptual frameworks or theoretical perspectives, and it does not suggest that they play no role in theoretical advances. What it suggests is that much of the work on conceptual frameworks, though couched in theoretical terms, is illusory.

The concept of the stress rule (a temporary role assumed by actors experiencing unusual or critical stress) is developed in this paper. It is hypothesized that the stress role is a patterned, regularly occurring set of rights, obligations, and expectations which accords special latitude to stressed actors, specifies appropriate behavior toward the stressed, and releases the actors from culpability for atypical role performances during the stressful period. The stress role and similar disabling, adjective-type roles are proposed as examples of "role riders." This paper identities the stress role norms and outlines the process by which one acquires, occupies, and relinquishes the role. The legitimacy of assuming the stress role is addressed and the timetables, or containment norms, of the stress role are developed. Finally, the functions of the stress role for the actor and for society are discussed. The propositions and concepts introduced here are based on data from in-depth interviews with a random sample of reentry university women, as well as from the growing body of stress and social-support research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an attempt to conceptualize the division of labor in terms of work. This perspective leads to a necessary distinction between work and workers, and its implications. Among the main considerations discussed are actor, accountability, division of rights versus division of labor, work patterns and interactional styles, rapidly changing organizations and industries in relation to their divisions of labor, and reciprocal macro and micro impacts. Some research implications are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]