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Most studies of subjective anomie assume that all individuals have the same goals, and they explain anomie in terms of differences in the means to achieve goals. This paper examines the effect of variations in the goal of success on anomie. Data are from a Harris survey of 3,001 adults in the continental United States. A multiple regression of anomie on success orientation, plus six social status variables, revealed that success orientation has a significant positive effect on anomie and that, next to education, it is the best predictor of anomie. This finding helps explain both intraclass variations in anomie and the increase in anomie from the 1950s to 1971 found by Fischer(1974). The social status variables did not explain much of the variation in success orientation, and the effect of success orientation on anomie was not mediated by education and income. The relevance of these findings to Durkheim's theory of anomie is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary sociological writings abound with references to anomie, and the topic is fast becoming a major theoretical vogue. Yet many users of the concept fail to define it adequately or to place it in any larger theoretical context. As originally coined by Durkheim, the term anomie is a French translation of the Greek anomia, which means "no laws." The commonly used English equivalent of "normlessness" catches the literal meaning of anomie, but it fails to convey any single clear idea to many sociologists. We glibly use the concept without bothering to clarify its meaning. Furthermore, the simple notion of "lack or norms" is relatively worthless, since such a condition rarely if ever exists in any society. Durkheim discussed the idea of anomie at some length both in The Division of Labor in Society and in Suicide. Because the same term is used in both works, and because the concepts presented are similar in many ways, most sociologists have assumed that they were identical. In fact, however, Durkheim gave us two quite distinct conceptions of anomie. This paper is an attempt to separate and clarify these two meanings of anomie, and to relate both of them to more inclusive theories of social organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current article explores the relationship between institutional imbalance (Institutional Anomie Theory) and the Stream Analogy of Lethal Violence (SALV). The stream analogy proposes that both homicide and suicide are generated by the same force of production while different structural and cultural factors serve as the force of direction. Using various cross-national sources, we hypothesize that institutional imbalance is a force of direction, with stronger institutional imbalance leading to more individuals committing homicide than suicide. In addition, for exploratory purpose, we examine whether the institutional imbalance is related to the force of production. Our findings support neither of these hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the splintering of the sociological imagination? Why do so many rival schools contend for influence? Is there a chance for consensus? Donald N. Levine seeks to answer these questions in his intriguing recent study of the sociological tradition. He contends that sociology has been divided from the start along national lines, yet continues to progress towards harmony thanks to the "dialogical" commitments of the various national traditions. I argue that Levine misjudges the character and depth of past and present rifts, and that he overestimates the likelihood of future disciplinary unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an empirical study of the relationship between aesthetic evaluation, collective action, and artistic success. Documentary evidence is examined to show that the initial artistic success of Jackson Pollock, the leading painter in the early years of Abstract Expressionism, was not due to coherent aesthetic evaluation by the New York art world. Secondary sources are then reviewed and it is suggested that Pollock's rise to artistic preeminence was brought about directly by collective action in the form of a promotional campaign on the part of a small, but influential, group of actors closely associated with the artist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To summarize, the data reviewed appear to question the extent to which studies reporting higher delinquency in the HA-LE category than HA-HE category can be generally employed to support the stress proposition of Merton's anomie theory. Rather, the data seem to suggest an additive interpretation, possibly couched in the language of commitment theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past decade, a great deal of interest has been generated in relation to Emile Durkeim's concept of anomie. Of even greater interest to American sociologists, however, has been Robert K. Merton's concept of anomie as formulated in his widely cited essay, "Social Structure and Anomie." Studies in the areas of suicide, crime, and delinquency, to suggest only a few categories, have attempted to utilize this concept empirically, focusing on it as an explanatory device. Leo Srole's anomia scale was developed as an index to Durkheim's anomie and has been used to assess Merton's theory. A careful examination of Merton's concept of anomie suggests that his emphasis is different from Durkheim's and that this difference leads to varying hypotheses. Merton's conception of anomie is one of a condition in society in which there is a disjunction between socially mandated goals and the means by which these goals are pursued. This disjunction is reflected in the great emphasis which is placed on success goals in American society and the lack of similar emphasis on legitimate means for the attainment of success. Furthermore, since access to the legitimate means for the attainment of success is differentially distributed, there is differential utilization of illegitimate means. It follows, then, that the lower the social class position, the less the access to legitimate means and the greater the tendency to deviant behavior. Thus, crime and delinquency rates could reasonably be expected to increase as social class declines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

About half a century ago Durkheim asserted that Protestants show a greater degree of anomie than do Catholics. Although Durkheim's assertion was based on limited studies, his statement has sparked considerable empirical research into the phenomena surrounding anomie. The social scientist interested in this topic today has numerous earlier studies and a selection of research instruments on which to draw in designing his own research. Among the most useful of the studies on anomie up to the present time are those by Srole, Nettler, Meier and Bell, Bell, Mizruchi, Dean, and Dean and Reeves. The study by Dean and Reeves is particularly interesting in terms of both questions answered and questions raised. Since this present study was conducted in response to the questions raised by the Dean and Reeves research, it will be necessary to review briefly their research procedures and findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]