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The primary data for this paper, the self-descriptions of respondents from a delinquent gang of Negro boys, were obtained in a Chicago Park District field house. The boys lived in an adjacent public housing project and hung on the corner near the field house and in the playground. The data were collected by a Youth Studies Program staff member who had spent a number of days as an observer of the gang. He was assisted by the gang's detached worker. Following administration of the questionnaire to the gang boys, these men joined efforts and located 23 non-gang boys of similar ages, who also lived in the same project, to serve as control subjects. Administration required about an hour and a half; the paired comparison instrument in which we are primarily interested, about 20 minutes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the basic model of Blau and Duncan, this paper explores the process of stratification among Chinese immigrants in Chicago, and examines the effects of kinship assistance on the career cycle. It was found that while kinship assistance is an important resource to some immigrants during and after migration, it frequently obligates the immigrants to remain in the ethnic business, and thereby hinders their upward mobility. This study suggests the usefulness as well as the limitations of kinship assistance in the stratification process of ethnic minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spatial and temporal distribution of delinquency has been described for a number of large metropolitan areas, but it is doubtful if juvenile delinquency has been followed as carefully and over such a long period of years in any other place as it has in Chicago. While the Chicago area studies were pioneering efforts in the field and probably have contributed much to our understanding of delinquency, it is risky to generalize these relationships and apply them to cities of other sizes or to cities whose population, social organization, and institutions are quite diverse. If generalization is considered a possibility, we must first determine the extent to which middle-sized cities have a range of social areas and institutions similar to those found in large cities: we would then look for and expect to find similar types and patterns of delinquency in middle sized cities as are found in large metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the thesis that African Americans are effectively excluded from the decision making process in the community level. The study focuses on a research of black powerlessness in Chicago that evaluates the extent to which Blacks are excluded from positions of influence in major institutional sectors. Their findings indicated that Negroes occupied only 2.6 percent of the top making policy-making decisions in the Chicago area. Black representation in Chicago was greatest in the elected public sector, welfare and religious voluntary organization and industrial unions. There was a virtual absence of Black representation in the policy-making positions of the private institutions such as business corporations, banks, insurance companies and universities. The research tests the hypothesis by examining the degree to which Blacks are found in key policy-making positions in the Milwaukee and Wisconsin metropolitan areas. A total of 4.930 policy-making positions in the business, public government ,academic and voluntary sectors were identified including the number of blacks holding the policy-making positions.

There is considerable evidence to support the proposition that spatial distances between occupational groups are closely related to their social distances. Several studies show that patterns of residential distribution by occupational stratification in a number of American cities in 1950 and 1960 are quite similar to the pattern which was initially observed for Chicago in 1950. There is some reason to believe that the generalization can be extended to include cities in other modern, urban, industrialized nations. There are those persons, on the other hand, who disagree. Theodore Caplow studied Aix-en-Provence (population approximately 27,000) about 1950 and concluded: "The familiar ecological principles which explain urban structure in the United States do not adequately account for urban structure in France…. Indeed, without the influence of uncontrolled land values, spatial distributions in France are often singularly inexpressive of social structure…. Neither the distribution of the population by social class, nor the distribution of institutions by class affiliation conforms to the fundamental spatial division of the community or to any other precise demarcation." It seems possible that this divergence of observations may be a consequence of difference in city size and classification, since studies in the United States have been limited to larger cities. Therefore, it seems worthwhile to make comparisons of residential segregation by occupation between cities which are more nearly alike in both size and function. Paris is the only city in France which approaches Chicago in size. It is true that Paris, a national capital, has more administrative activity, but it is also a raft center with extensive manufacturing, wholesale, and retail trade activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]