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Drawing upon insights from the social movement literature as well as leadership experience in a successful social movement organization, this paper suggests aspects of a framework for integrating traditional and contemporary approaches. The case history of JUST (Johnstowners United to Stop another Tragedy) is used to illustrate the interaction of grievances and structures in the career of a social movement organization. In addition to helping fill a lacuna in the literature on the internal dynamics of such organizations, this analysis also demonstrates the importance of the nature of the grievance as well as the target group's structural entrenchment. The paper focuses upon a relatively anomalous case for U.S. social movement organizations: an SMO which was successful despite displacement goals. The final section of the paper includes a summary diagram of the factors involved in JUSTs successful protest effort as well as broader generalizations suggesting the conditions under which grievances or infrastructures are more salient in explaining social movement phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a large number of empirical studies showing blacks to have higher levels of self-esteem than whites, no adequate explanation for this difference has been developed. This paper proposes a theory dealing with differences in self-process and, in a related manner, self-esteem between blacks and whites, utilizing the concept of selective credulity (i.e., having relatively more faith in others' opinions of us who are relatively positive). Specifically, it is hypothesized that because blacks (as compared to whites) are more likely to focus on interpersonal relations and less likely to focus on internalized standards of comparison for purposes of self-enhancement, (a) blacks maximize the rewards of their interpersonal relations more so than whites (reflected by differences in selective credulity), and (b) levels of self-esteem between blacks and whites are no different when controlling the differential impact of selective credulity on self-esteem. Utilizing data from 1,560 high school students, evidence is presented which provides some initial support for the proposed theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relative deprivation perspective was widely employed in the social movement literature :of the late 1960s and early 1970s. In spite of the growing popularity of some newer approaches which criticize the relative deprivation perspective (resource mobilization or resource management perspectives), there have been no attempts to analyze 'and evaluate the relative deprivation perspective in any systematic fashion. The purpose of this paper is to review some of the "classic" relative deprivation literature in order to critically assess the perspective on the basis of its theoretical coherence and clarity and its empirical validity. The general conclusion reached is that while the relative deprivation perspective was an advance over earlier approaches which viewed social movements as resulting from the expression of irrational impulses, the relative deprivation perspective is itself affected by too many serious conceptual, theoretical, and empirical weaknesses to be useful in accounting for the emergence and development of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human ecology has been criticized for its neglect of values and the individual. Ecologists have defended themselves by arguing that the process of adaptation is such that values and the individual can be ignored. Hawley (1950:66), for example, contends that adaptation is a communal phenomena and can be analyzed without reference to individual-level variables. Gibbs and Martin (1959) contend that the individual and values are insignificant in human ecology because of the mechanism of "selective survival," which refers to the fact that only those societies with the proper combination of POET variables are able to survive in a given environment. This paper evaluates some of the models of adaptation used by human ecologists, and contends that the ecological models are rather elementary, and that they ignore some of the differences between biological and social adaptation. For these reasons the models minimize the role of values and the individual. In evaluating the ecological models, I present a model of adaptation to criticize the ecological models and to specify what I believe is the proper role of values and the individual in human ecology. The model describes three stages in the adaptive process (variation, transmission, and selection), and attempts to specify the role of values and the individual at each stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the process of religious socialization among American Jews using a sample of Chicago area adults. Two studies of Catholic schooling by Andrew Greeley and co-authors provides a conceptual framework. In addition to religious schooling, parental religiosity and spouse's religiosity analyzed in the Catholic school studies, this paper considers the effects of peer influences, youth group participation, and summer camping. An explanatory (path) model of religious socialization is developed. The findings indicate that four agents of religious socialization are consistently the best predictors of all types of adult religious involvement. They rank differently, however, in their predictive power. Contrary to many previous studies, these data show that parental influences tend to be more indirect than direct, mainly performing a channeling function; religious schooling has both substantial direct and indirect effects; and adult experiences are often more important than childhood experiences in the socialization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes an initial statement on the importance of the concept of the other in sociology and social psychology and then examines the place this concept plays in the essential thought of Alfred Schutz, G. H. Mead, and C. H. Cooley. It is argued that the concept is not a fundamental part of the thought of Schutz, that it is used merely as a convenient loophole at various strategic moments in the argument, whereas in the work of Mead and Cooley it is conceived as an active and embodied entity that plays a crucial role in their respective theories of socialization and human conduct. The work of the labeling theorists is then taken to illustrate the value of the concept as used by Mead and Cooley, with some changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a microsociological study of a group of people who have undergone a threat experience. Within the combined theoretical frameworks of symbolic interactionism and phenomenology, the event is seen as a "reality shock" for its participants, involving cognitive crises in group and individual definitions of the situation. The after period is one in which procedures toward making the threat experience meaningful on both group and individual levels are instituted within group networks. These procedures on a group level involve the construction of a "real" event by the objectification of time and experience and through the emergence and attribution of post-hoc norms. Strategies toward the maintenance and continuity of identity include reconstruction of the threat situation, of other participants' behavior, of post-hoc norms, or of individual behavior, and the negotiation of identity on these various bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]