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The relationship between size and structure is a general problem in the study of social organization. Organization can be seen as a system of relationships among differentiated activities performed by units of a population. Viewed as arising out of the exchange relations among these units, the structural characteristics of organizations should be affected by population size. As specific expressions of this general concern, size has been included in every taxonomy of group properties and has been related to goals, effectiveness, succession, and job satisfaction in studies of formal organizations (Merton, 1957:310-326; Berelson and Steiner, 1964:364-367; Tannenbaum, 1961; Meltzer and Salter, 1962; Simpson and Gulley, 1962; and Grusky, 1961). But perhaps the greatest amount of theoretical and research attention has focused on the relationship between size and the administrative component as one structural aspect of formal organizations (Melman, 1951; Terrien and Mills, 1955; Tsouderos, 1955; Bendix, 1956:221-223; Haire, 1959:287-296; Anderson and Warkov, 1961; Lindenfeld, 1961; Haas et al., 1963; Hawley et al., 1965; Starbuck, 1965:495-502; Rushing, 1966; Raphael, 1967; Hall et al., 1967). The findings produced by this research along with other inquiries into the effects of size on structural characteristics have been inconclusive. This has led some to conclude that "… size may be irrelevant in determining organizational structure" (Hall et al., 1967:912). Such a conclusion, however, may be premature. It is clear from both our own work and that of others that the effects of size may vary by type of organization (Akers and Campbell, 1968). Further, a clearer understanding of the size factor, especially as related to the administrative segment, requires a systematic investigation into other structural features of organization. In particular, Blau and Scott (1962:227) have suggested that complexity, as a second structural characteristic, may be an intervening variable between size and the administrative component, as well as being itself directly affected by organizational size. While other studies have treated complexity in a variety of ways, none has attempted systematically to explore the interrelationships among size, complexity, and the administrative component in a relatively large number of voluntary organizations. It is the purpose of this paper to examine these interrelationships for one kind of organization. Specifically, we want to consider: 1. the relationship between organizational size and the administrative component, controlling for complexity. 2. the relationship between size and complexity controlling for the relative size of the administrative component. 3. the relationship between complexity and the size of the administrative component controlling for organizational size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the effects of members on organizations. We looked at the kinds of responses organizations can make to members, the connection of different responses to the type of relationship between organization and members, the choice of different organizational responses, and the conditions maximizing effects of members. The term "organizational response" is used to cover both new developments which are customarily thought to be changes and those which are not usually viewed as changes. The basis for distinguishing two major types of responses to members is how the pressure for change is handled: Any new activities, procedures, norms, or goals introduced in order to alter or manipulate the source of pressure on the organization are called controls. Any new activities, etc., introduced in order to alter or manipulate the targets of pressure are called organizational modifications. The most important organizational responses to members are social controls. These may involve major redistributions of resources, the creation of new departments and services, dramatic shifts in conceptions of the organization's purposes, and so on. At the same time, they represent attempts by agents of the organization to resist, control, contain, manipulate, and prevent possible influence from members on the organization. Many times, these attempts to protect the organization are more costly than modifying those aspects of the organization which are the targets of influence. The social controls can backfire and engender greater member disaffection. Nevertheless, it was assumed that social controls should be a preferred response when pressures from members occur. Should the range of controls available to an organization become depleted—either because it has few available or because previous attempts at control have failed—organizational modifications then occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of social movements have devoted a great deal of attention to types of leadership and problems of leadership change. Max Weber's concept of charismatic leadership has had an immense influence upon the thinking of sociologists about the sources of authority and dominance in changing political life. The "natural history" approach of many writers has stressed the decline of enthusiastic, agitational leadership and the development of statesmanlike, bureaucratic administrators as movements have become formally organized into stable structures. The approach of these studies has been on leadership changes through time as a function of different forms of structure and of different situations in which organized movements operate as they become large and institutionalized. It is our intention, in this paper, to examine the problems of leadership from a slightly different perspective. We are concerned with the conflicting types of demands made upon persons in leadership offices in many different situations. The focus of our attention is upon the persistent demands that leaders function within and before diverse audiences. In social movements, as well as in other complex and large organizations, the incumbent leadership is the center of demands to function in both internal and external environments. He is at the head of a hierarchy of authority and decision-making within the movement. At the same time, in the effort to affect change and to prevent the detrimental damage of a hostile environment, he operates in an environment of clients, enemies, adherents and potential recruits in which he has no authority and in which he represents the movement. The tension between these two areas gives rise to some characteristic problems of movements and their leadership. The empirical analysis given here is largely drawn from one organization—The Woman's Christian Temperance Union. It deals with leadership in two different periods—at the turn of the century and in the mid-1950's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a participant observation study of a small work group on the night shift in a food processing plant. Although in the Human Relations tradition, this study focuses explicitly upon the interrelations between the group and salient aspects of the organizational and technical environment. The analysis is guided by the small group theory of George G. Homans. Attention is focused first upon the development of an informal social organization which was functional both in meeting formal organizational goals and group members' socioemotional needs. This informal organization was disrupted by supervisory style changes, however, after which both job commitment and group morale declined dramatically. This was followed by two technical changes; as the group informally and collectively adapted to these changes, a new informal social organization emerged. This new organization clearly reflected the group members' desire for autonomy. Clear support is claimed for the general proposition that commitment to formal organizational goals, group morale, and individual satisfaction is positively related to a lenient supervisory style and high autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]