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No research results are any better than the quality of the data. As scientists, survey researchers must share the problems of measuring, understanding, and controlling bias in their data. The potential sources of bias in survey research are many and varied. They may appear at any one or all of the several stages of the data gathering process. For example, they may occur in the selection of the sample, in the development of measuring instruments, in securing the responses of the persons in the sample, in the respondents replies, in the recording of the responses, and in processing the recorded responses. Even beyond the data collection process, bias may occur, as in the misapplication of statistics and in the interpretation of data. Progress has been made toward identifying and controlling sources of bias in some of these stages of the research process. Perhaps most progress has been made in the sampling stage and in the statistical application stage. Much advance has been made also in the reduction of error at the instrumentation stage. However, considerable work remains to be done on the problems of error control, especially biasing error, at all stages of the research between instrumentation and statistical analysis. This includes getting full response from the sample, accurate answers to the questions asked, and accurate recording and processing of responses. The accumulation of bias from these and other possible sources may be referred to as total or aggregate bias. The total bias may then be divided for analytical purposes into the following types: (1) sampling bias, (2) instrumentation bias, (3) non-response bias, (4) respondent bias, (5) interviewer bias, and (6) processing bias. This paper is an effort to deal with the problem of respondent bias in survey research. That respondent bias is a potent force in diminishing the validity and reliability of results from survey research is well recognized. The recognition of this condition has led to an enormous amount of activity aimed at isolating factors which determine this weakness of research results. These studies, by and large, have dealt with the problem of determining the direction of respondent bias, its magnitude, the speearle variables which produce respondent bias, and the effect of such bias on research results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concepts "ascribed status" and "achieved status," developed by Ralph Linton, have located properties of social systems which have given sociologists valuable insights into the nature of social structure. Linton defined "ascribed status" as "assigned to individuals without reference to their innate differences or abilities" and "achieved status" as "requiring special qualifies" and "open to individual achievement." Thus, accident of birth determines an individual's "ascribed statuses," and performance or effort or volition determine his "achieved statuses." Unfortunately, as clear as the distinction between these two concepts may appear, they have not been received without confusion. It is the contention of this paper that a significant source of confusion has been the treatment of these concepts as if they were unrelated to social structure. Further, it is our view that this confusion removes the essential value of the concepts; and therefore, their relationship to social structure requires restoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Symbolic interaction theory, though widely applied in the analysis of other areas of human behavior, has been used infrequently in the study of politics and almost never in the study of political ideology. This paper illustrates the applicability of the theory as an approach to the latter. More specifically, it attempts to find a relation between differential self conceptions and the types of political roles individuals play. It attempts to provide a tentative answer to the following question: What kinds of self-views are associated with a left-wing or moderate or rightwing or some other political role? Traditionally, an individual's social beliefs or ideology has been viewed as a product of economic class or social conditions. More recently, a number of sociologists and political scientists have approached it as a correlate of status crystallization. But most of the empirical research on political ideology has considered it to be a manifestation of personality. In the personality studies it is assumed that ideological beliefs spring from an underlying personality structure or predisposing factors within the individual. In the research presented in the present article, political ideology is treated as role perception. It is viewed as a set of norms or a role incorporated into the individual's view of himself and the world he lives in. It develops out of symbolic interaction with significant others. Political role, as well as mind and self, is "the individual importation of the social process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a more systematic study of the relationship between fraternity membership and mobility aspirations. Controls for relevant social background variables (income, education, and religious identification) are added so that a better indication of the true relationship between aspirations and fraternity membership can be made. Based on the findings of Levine and Sussmann and those of Jackson and Winkler, it is hypothesized that the higher one's mobility aspirations, the more likely one is to join a fraternity. A caveat must be interjected here. It is not assumed that only social mobility aspirations determine whether or not one joins a fraternity. Related research by the author indicates that other variables, especially peer and familial pressures, are very important in determining membership in fraternities. What is attempted here is an analysis which focuses on one small part of the membership process so as to shed some light on a hitherto neglected research area, viz., the relationship between mobility aspirations and fraternity membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an extraordinary increase in the study of creativity and of artistic production in recent years. For the most part, this work is concerned with psychological variables focusing on the cognitive processes underlying artistic creation or on the artist's personality. But whether cognitive or personalistic in orientation, the vast majority of the studies deal with the artist in vacuo, as it were, without reference to his role or function in society. The central concern seems to be with artists as readily identifiable, exceptional individuals or social deviates, and the impression is given that artists are primarily "interesting specimens" whose activity is dispensable, or at least irrelevant, from a sociological point of view. But as Barnett among others has noted, "… the creative artist himself may be a valuable focus for the study of social and cultural change because he is often remarkably sensitive to tensions in the social order …. Thus the sociology of art … may contribute to the understanding of both social structure and cultural change." Barnett urges that the "sociologist should direct his efforts at a systematic inquiry into the various aspects of this [art] process, perhaps concentrating on the social relations, social structures, norms, and roles which characterize the vocation of the artist. Regrettably, very little has been done from this point of view. The present paper attempts to define the artist's roles in the social structure and presents some empirical data relevant to the understanding of these roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of occupational status and income for suicide is not clear. One study indicates a positive relationship; five reveal a negative relationship; two show a higher suicide rate for very high- and very low-status occupations than for middle-status occupations; and the combined results of a study of three English cities are inconsistent. Although evidence is strongest for a negative relationship, no definitive conclusion can be made. Very likely, the relationship varies depending upon other conditions. In particular, it may vary with employment status; income may be directly related to suicide under conditions of unemployment, but inversely related under conditions of employment, or vice versa. In this paper an attempt will be made to determine whether and in what way employment status may influence the effects of income. In addition, effort will be made to determine whether unemployment is related to suicide at all income levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of the concepts of role and consensus has been so well documented that it can now be treated as an assumption by sociologists. Still, however, the measurement of role consensus is not without difficulty since the concept itself imposes a number of methodological problems. This paper represents a suggestion of an alternative measurement combining a number of innovations from our present body of sociological knowledge. In brief, this involves the merger of the following: (1) the problem of comparing intraposition with interposition consensus; (2) the utilization of dyadic consensus; (3) the application of a correlational measure based on ordinal assumptions; and (4) the possibility of furthering the concerns of both macroscopic and microscopic analysis. Our approach will be direct and somewhat abbreviated in terms of (1) a brief rationale; (2) a working hypothesis; (3) a description of the instrument; (4) measurement; and (5) discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER sets forth a way of integrating major theoretic viewpoints that deal with human social phenomena. In developing this scheme, my principal aim has been to discover useful ways in which such viewpoints complement each other, rather than ways in which they contradict each other. There are two reasons for choosing such an aim. First are the convictions that no single current theory or viewpoint is an adequate representation of the full range of sociological interest; that none is right about all aspects of social life, but that each is right about some aspects;¹ and that when it comes to doing a given empirical research, sociological analysts often draw upon ostensibly conflicting theories for hypotheses and interpretations. These vague apprehensions suggest that it may not be necessary, after all, to be unswervingly loyal to one particular theory; that a systematic assessment of complementarities among theories may be useful in understanding the theories themselves and in applying them to empirical research. In other words, an eclectic student of sociological theories may quite legitimately prefer "the Jain logic of ancient India, with its doctrine of syadvada: that every proposition is tree only up to a point, in a manner of speaking, in certain respects .... [as] in the Jain legend of the seven blind men and the elephant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of community power, influence, and leadership have rapidly increased in popularity and in number during the decade since Hunter's epochal study of Regional City in 1954. Foci of the various studies since then have ranged from the delineation of traits of leaders or power figures to conceptualizations of types of community power structures. Some few studies have been concerned with the relationship between attributes and actions of community leaders and community social structure. Outside the field of sociometric research the distribution of influence and the effect of community social structure upon this distribution has received little more than passing attention. The usual leadership research is concerned with the study of ways in which leadership affects the social structure of the community. This study will attempt to take the reverse orientation, that of how social structure affects leadership. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the distribution of influence and community social structure. More specifically, this study is concerned with the relationship between consensus on leadership and community homogeneity. Homogeneity of community socioeconomic characteristics is assumed to be a basis for the shared values, attitudes, beliefs, opinions, and interests which serve as the basis for community consensus which may be manifested in agreement on nominations (choices) of community influentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the ubiquitous trends in social behavior is the formation of comprehensive systems of interaction known as communities. Everywhere in the world and throughout man's existence on earth, the formation of communities has been evident, from the primitive tribe to the contemporary nation-state. Among the exciting developments within the more complex communities of mankind, such as cities and nations, is the emergence of subcommunity forms which both complement and contest the arrangements of the larger society. Status communities and ethnic communities of many sorts belong among the contemporary sub-communities. It is instructive to apply this concept of sub-community formation to areas of behavior such as the worlds of art and jazz, when that behavior can be shown to approach closure and completeness with respect to a distinctive way of life. This paper deals with two major tasks: (1) the development of a special theory of the jazz community as an unique form of status community, and (2) a judgment as to the validity of referring to the social world of the jazz musician as a community. It should be mentioned that while this formulation is conceived in terms of the jazz subculture, it also has widespread application elsewhere in the area of social deviance. Since the concept of status group has its roots in the general theory of community, we shall briefly outline that concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern social event known as the debut probably had its origin in the seventeenth century practice of presenting young women of marriageable age at European courts for approval of the court ladies and court gentlemen. Its modem popularity is increasingly centered in the United States, and especially among those families desiring to achieve recognition as members of the upper class.In spite of a general knowledge about upper-class life, little is known concerning the socialization of pre-debutantes, particularly from the perspective of the girl herself. The purpose of this paper is to review the circumstances through which the debut of a daughter is achieved and to examine the disciplinary context of socialization by which appropriate attitudes and perspectives are developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to deal directly—in an exploratory fashion—with certain variables which might be considered basic to any verification of the intellectual subsociety hypothesis, focusing primarily upon the ethnic dimension and secondarily upon the class factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes a process for determining migration probability. A stochastic process may be defined as a process which develops over time and where events at time 2 are not independent of events at time 1. This lack of independence may be viewed in probabilistic terms. Since the application of stochastic probability processes to problems of predicting individual behavior requires data obtained from case studies where each individual can be classified with respect to a given set of categories at successive points in time, the projected analysis required a set of individual longitudinal migration histories. Consequences of the basic mechanism of the model utilized in the paper are also detailed.

The Purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship of propaganda songs to social movements. The role and function of the propaganda song has in the past received little attention from sociologists and social scientists as a whole. The primary usage of the propaganda song is to create political or social consciousness favorable to the position of the movement or individual using the propaganda song. The original interpretation of the concept "political consciousness" connotes a predisposition for social change. Lenin derived the concept of political consciousness from Marx who viewed class consciousness as the subjective means of facilitating change in the social structure. For Marx, class membership was originally an aggregate of persons in a given economic strata or "a class in itself." Class consciousness emerges when members of a class (the proletariat) identify themselves with the class (the proletarian class) and their position in the stratification system and when the members of the class are aware of their historical role in the Marxian theoretical scheme or a change-oriented "class for itself." Mills correctly defines three elements essential for class consciousness to exist: (1) a rational awareness and identification with one's own class interests; (2) an awareness of and rejection of other class interests as illegitimate; and (3) an awareness of and a readiness to use collective political means to the collective political end of realizing one's interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the effects of members on organizations. We looked at the kinds of responses organizations can make to members, the connection of different responses to the type of relationship between organization and members, the choice of different organizational responses, and the conditions maximizing effects of members. The term "organizational response" is used to cover both new developments which are customarily thought to be changes and those which are not usually viewed as changes. The basis for distinguishing two major types of responses to members is how the pressure for change is handled: Any new activities, procedures, norms, or goals introduced in order to alter or manipulate the source of pressure on the organization are called controls. Any new activities, etc., introduced in order to alter or manipulate the targets of pressure are called organizational modifications. The most important organizational responses to members are social controls. These may involve major redistributions of resources, the creation of new departments and services, dramatic shifts in conceptions of the organization's purposes, and so on. At the same time, they represent attempts by agents of the organization to resist, control, contain, manipulate, and prevent possible influence from members on the organization. Many times, these attempts to protect the organization are more costly than modifying those aspects of the organization which are the targets of influence. The social controls can backfire and engender greater member disaffection. Nevertheless, it was assumed that social controls should be a preferred response when pressures from members occur. Should the range of controls available to an organization become depleted—either because it has few available or because previous attempts at control have failed—organizational modifications then occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students of self conceptions have examined a variety of research problems using responses to the question "Who Am I?" Only in the initial report of Kuhn and McPartland is attention given to the relationships among the responses made to this question. They present data showing an ordering of responses which they believe to be "… a reflection of the make-up of the self conception." The present paper reports research stemming from a re-examination of the posited order among responses to the question "Who Am I?" Through content analysis, Kuhn and McPartland classified responses to this question into two categories: "consensual" and "subconsensual." Responses classified as "consensual" were those "… statements which refer to groups and classes whose limits and conditions of membership are matters of common knowledge." Responses classified as "subconsensual" were those statements "… which refer to groups, classes, attributes, traits, or any other matters which would require interpretation by the respondent to be precise or to place him relative to other people." Kuhn and McPartland stated that "… respondents tended to exhaust all of the consensual references they would make before they made (if at all) any subconsensual ones; that is, having once begun to make subconsensual references they tended to make no more consensual references (if indeed they had made any at all)." Further, this ordering of consensual and subconsensual responses is reported to take the form of an ordinal scale when submitted to Guttman's scalogram analysis technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Often enough members of one social class have been viewed as struggling with members of other classes, as excluding others from membership in their own class, or as aspiring to become members of higher social classes. Whatever the precise formulation of the situation, the general tone of descriptions of interclass relationships has often been one of competition, antagonism, exclusion, tension, or conflict. Yet ordinary experience suggests that most individuals direct some positive affect toward social classes other than their own in any functioning and enduring system of social stratification. This paper is concerned with a measure of part of this affect (here termed status affinity), and it offers a description of some of the antecedent conditions contributing to different affect distributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How important is the economic role of business executives in determining their degree of involvement in local community affairs? Studies of social class and social participation, of community decision-making processes, and more general analyses of the economic institution in modem society all have suggested that as one ascends the corporate pyramid he becomes more involved in the organizational life of the local community. Explanations for this association between economic position and community involvement have been of two general kinds. The first emphasizes the structural position of local economic dominants in community affairs and the second focuses upon the concept of "corporate social responsibility" and the attendant role conceptions of business executives. While there are many claims as to the primacy of the economic role in community involvement of executives, there have been few empirical attempts to ascertain the degree of local involvement actually explained by the economic role. Certainly businessmen are active in the local community. But how important is their economic role as compared to their other sociodemographic characteristics in accounting for variations in their activity? It is the purpose of this paper to discover the degree of local community participation explained by both the structural dimensions of the economic role and the executive-community role conception based on a national sample of business executives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological literature since Durkheim and Weber has differentiated between business organizations operating through rational, secular, and affectively neutral means and religious groups based on ideological, sacred, and emotional appeals. This paper focuses on the analysis of interaction among members of a sales organization and is based on the hypothesis that many actions within business firms contain elements of religious feeling, ritual, and ideology. These features are especially evident in the methods used by home-party companies to recruit and maintain their sales personnel. During the late 1930's the "home-party plan" developed in conjunction with the field of direct selling. A home-party is the gathering of women in the home of a "hostess" for the manifest purpose of being entertained but for the actual purpose of being sold merchandise by a saleswoman called a "demonstrator" or "dealer." The living room is converted into a sales room; the hostess receives a gift from the demonstrator for the use of her home; the guests play games and are served refreshments; and the dealer earns a commission on her sales and tries to persuade the guests to allow the future use of their homes for a similar purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is intutively understood that some sense of loss accompanies old age and retirement; the state of explanation with respect to this phenomenon is less clearly settled. At least part of the fuzziness in this area lies in the tension between the "interaetionist" and the "functionalist" interpretations. This paper explores the problem with an eye to these alternative interpretations by examining retired college professors in one southwestern state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years sociologists have done research on race relations in the United States, especially between Negroes and whites. In the past decade, hospitals and the health professions have also been popular objects of sociological inquiry. But thus far, there has been relatively little study of race relations in health organizations. Although some attention has been paid to the contribution of low-status hospital workers to the therapeutic process, the extent to which the race of the low-status worker may influence the contribution has not been studied. This paper presents some data contrasting patient perceptions of subprofessional low-status Negro hospital workers with patient perceptions of the professional high-status white hospital staff. The data suggest that from the patient's point of view (1) Negro aides, orderlies, housekeepers, food service personnel, etc. are more effective in meeting the patients' needs for expressive care than white nurses and physicians; and (2) these individuals' low status, Negro race, and sub-professional affiliation directly contribute to their effectiveness. If supported by further research, these hypotheses would have important implications for the sociology of race relations and for professional practice in patient care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to describe the model for a poverty intervention program that purports to work largely inside the system as an organization funded by the Office of Economic Opportunity, yet intends to bring together presently disparate intrasystem and extrasystem components of the community into a single program for social change. This social action approach, conceptualized here as the Overlap model, will be outlined and then for further clarification compared with Saul Alinsky's approach as summarized by Riessman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the usefulness of Weber's city typology in relation to the Russian urban experience and to attempt to locate the Russian city within Weber's celebrated Oriental-Occidental dichotomy. The failure of various intellectual and revolutionary groups before and in 1917 to liberalize a traditionalistic societal system is correlated to the absence of a middle class in the Russian cultural context. Kiev, Novgorod, and Pskov existed long before the Mongol conquest of Russia in the thirteenth century and were exposed to certain Western influences due to the political connections with the neighboring Western countries. Unknown before the Mongols arrived, Moskva "still in the nineteenth century before the liberation of the peasants from slavery retained all the characteristics of a great Oriental city of about the time of Diocletian of the second century A.D." In addition to being the seat of the patrimonial ruler, Moskva was a "locality where rents from possessions in land and slaves as well as income from office holding were spent." Elsewhere Weber said that the cities in Russia "never arrived at freedom in the Western sense. Everywhere the military, judicial, and industrial authority was taken from the cities." This act of taking away autonomous-autocephalous authority is probably Weber's reference to the total destruction of Novgorod and Pskov by the Russian rulers as soon as they emerged from the shadow of Mongol dependence as well as to the Russian colonial conquest of the non-Russian cities and countries in the more recent centuries including the twentieth. Seven major characteristics basic to Weber's Oriental vs. Occidental typology of urban behavior, as tentatively modified in view of the needs and the contribution of recent research, will be utilized in examining the Russian experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades limited research attention has been given to those smallest population centers, beyond the individual farmstead, commonly referred to as hamlets. Alluding to this fact, the following statement made in 1943 by the geographer, Glenn T. Trewartha, is still indicative of the situation: "… one of the most numerous and widespread settlement types in the United States, the unincorporated hamlet, does not deserve the near oblivion that has been accorded it by geographers and other workers in the social sciences." The lack of research interest may be attributed partially to the dimunition of the farm population and rural institutions and the increasing significance of industrialization and urban development. Because of these and other changes, students of society may share the opinion that hamlets are rapidly disappearing and consequently not worthy of study. Various studies, however, are not in agreement concerning whether or not hamlets have increased or decreased in size and numbers. According to Fuguitt, the contradictory findings stem from the fact that previous researchers have not made "a clear distinction between (1) changes in population size categories over time, and (2) changes in individual places over time." In a study based on Census data, Fuguitt examined Wisconsin's incorporated small towns for the period 1880-1960. He simultaneously analyzed the two analytical components indicated above through the use of the Markov model. His general conclusion was: "While fewer small towns are being 'born' these days, they aren't 'dying,' but are growing up to be big towns, in some cases." Although it is possible, as Fuguitt also suggests, that small unincorporated places are declining in size and number, there is little reported data to suggest they are rapidly diminishing as a rural collectivity or settlement center in contemporary society. In general, the purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to our descriptive knowledge of hamlets. Initially, an effort is made to determine the main activity pursued by the principal family supporters within or near the hamlet area. Secondly, based on the major activity pursued by each resident family's primary income recipient, a statistically derived typology of hamlets is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is required for understanding models of development is a combination of linguistic analysis and sociological analysis. It might well be that what is needed is nothing short of a combination of the logical skills of Wittgenstein and the sociological capacities of Weber. It would be presumptuous of me to claim to have effected such a synthesis. On the other hand, it would be ludicrous of all of us not to at least make an attempt to scale the heights. The word model is as slippery a concept as is currently in use by the social sciences. Even if we can settle on a formal definition of the word, namely, that a model is an isomorphic representation of objects that leads to an unmistakable identification of the expression of the object with the physical object, we are left with a host of substantive issues. There are at least three different fundamental meanings which attach to the term model—meanings which almost put the word in a different universe of discourse each time. First, model is used as a surrogate for levels, or an epistemological statement of how the world is carved up. Second, model is used as a surrogate for strategies. This entails the pragmatics of social change, or how one goes about carving a world up. Third, model is often used as a surrogate for theory, or how the explanation of changes in the world can best be made. What I should like to do here is provide at the outset a framework showing what is entailed in each of these types of models of development and then showing the implications of model-construction for social change. In this paper, I do not take my chore to be other than an accounting of the meaning of development at the macroscopic scale (rather than its microscopic details). Nor do I interpret my chore as a presentation of my own model, since this has been attempted elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

References to alienation abound in both technical literature of the behavioral sciences and journalistic attempts at social diagnosis. Although the concept of alienation may, in fact, be applicable to a range of settings, widespread and impressionistic usage has tended to overemphasize the dramatic aspect of the term while obscuring its basic connotations. If alienation is actually to become a useful analytic tool, therefore, its definitions must be clarified and its theoretical relevance for different settings must be systematically explored. We begin this paper by pointing out the uniqueness of alienation as a psychosocial concept, and thus distinguishing it from alienation as used in a strictly clinical sense. Following this, we allude briefly to two of the major articles in the social sciences which have sought to define psychosocial alienation and to demonstrate its utility. Finally, we attempt to clarify the alienation concept further by setting it in the theoretical framework of au ongoing social system, namely, the nuclear family in the process of response to family crisis. In this context, alienation is designated as one possible mode of crisis response, and the implications of this pattern are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory and research dealing with the consequences of rank inconsistency have concerned themselves almost exclusively with the portrayal of the disagreeable aspects of this situation and with the identification of relatively extreme reactions to it. The data reported above serve to counterbalance this emphasis by suggesting circumstances under which rank inconsistency may be accommodated to without a radical reaction and under which this inconsistency may even be downright palatable. First, the data showed one instance where the inconsistent individual's preoccupation with the area of endeavor in which he held his higher rank led him to be tolerant of his lower one. Secondly, we saw that three different kinds of rank inconsistency produced discontent with the lower rank only for respondents whose array of ranks was likely to be highly visible. It is hoped that the modifications of rank inconsistency theory suggested above will in the near future be subjected to a more ideal empirical test than was possible with the data employed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to suggest that certain types of grouping are associated with radical and gradual types of assimilation and fusion. I will apply the distinction between the corporate and noncorporate group to the processes of ethnic regrouping. This distinction should serve to give a structural focus to studies of ethnic relations and thus will supplement the social psychological approaches. In the concluding section, in which the wider implications of corporateness are discussed, it will be seen that such a distinction will facilitate the comparison of ethnic groups with other types of groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The major purpose of this paper, therefore, is to develop a more general model of compliance-gaining behavior. Particular emphasis will be placed on those variables which differentiate among individuals with regard to the compliance-gaining techniques they use. In this discussion we shall attempt to specify a preliminary list of interpersonal strategies which will encompass the wide range of compliance-gaining behaviors. Finally we shall illustrate the usefulness of the model by discussing one problem to which it may profitably be applied, the relationship between social class and the generation of school-children defined as "behavior problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most influential single postwar study on community power (both positively and negatively) has unquestionably been Hunter's Community Power Structure, published in 1953. Hunter concluded that Regional City (Atlanta, Georgia) was dominated to a large degree by a small number of business leaders who could be said to constitute a power elite. Although the reception of Hunter's work among social scientists could hardly be described as one of uncritical acclaim, it was not until 1961, with the publication of Who Governs? by Robert Dahl that there appeared in the literature a fully developed theoretical interpretation alternative to that of Hunter along with the supporting intellectual ballast of a carefully executed empirical study. Dahl's central thesis was that a "pluralistic" conception of community power—one where several competing groups vie with one another for control of community resources in various areas—is more useful than the power elite model Who Governs? is the most incisive and challenging community power study of recent years. The works of Hunter and Dahl have tended to serve as opposite poles in the rather vigorous discussions on community power which have been largely stimulated by their influential contributions. Much of the initial exchange has tended to be uncompromising in character and acrimonious in tone; with time, however, the intensity of the cross fire seems to be diminishing. This paper is based on the assumption that enough of the smoke has cleared to attempt a survey of the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Similar in scope and significance to the industrial and agrarian revolutions, the modem scientific revolution has been slowly developing for the past century bringing changes which are both obvious and obscure. In general, scholars have analyzed this revolution in terms of two major conceptions which have emphasized either the effect of science technology or the effect of science on the social institutions and social organization of society. More recently interest has focused upon the growth of power of science and its alienating effects. But one aspect of this revolution, perhaps the most important aspect, has been almost totally ignored. This paper is devoted to an examination of this aspect the effect of science on culture. From its early beginnings, when it was at war with theology, to the postindustrial period of widespread acceptance, science has made its mark upon culture first in the production of new information and thus a "new world view" and later in the rise of "scientism" where the uncritical adoration of science has produced a new value in society-that of science itself. Because of their historical development and confinement to certain types of analytical models, sociology and the sociology of science have been unsuccessful in dealing with this type of social change. In addition to sociology's neglect of the effect of science on culture, sociologists are producing fragmented information about science and the revolution which leads to the belief that science, because of its internal value structure and utilitarian relationship to other social institutions, can not develop unchecked to a position of overwhelming power. Without any manifest intentions, sociologists have produced a conservative evaluation of science and the revolution.ceptions of the revolution; (2) the reasons for the neglect of sociological analysis of the effect of science on culture; (3) a brief overview of the replacement, destruction, and accommodation theories of the effect of science on culture; and (4) the change from atomistic accommodation during the preindustrial period, when science was at war with theology, to the holistic accommodation of science in the rise of scientism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with Ogburn, the place of economic factors within the modem conjugal unit has been minimized. It has been argued that the major dimension of the current nuclear unit is the affective, the emotional, the expressive. The very term "marital adjustment" connotes that external constraints are less vital than the "ability" of the couple to "work out" interpersonal problems. The observers leaped from the data-the decrease of joint economic participation between husbands and wives-to the inference that modern marriage coheres or collapses almost solely on the basis of affective elements. Parsons has recently restated and expanded this position by asserting that "it is of course a commonplace that the [my italics] American family is predominantly … an urban middle-class family … there has emerged a remarkably uniform, basic type of family." For Parsons, this "uniform family" rests chiefly on personality variables which he analyzes in a psychoanalytic context. It may be that except at the most general structural level, Parsons' "uniform family" may be as unfortunate a term as was his "isolated family" of a decade ago. For it is also possible to leap from the data to the alternative hypothesis that economic factors still play a vital role within the conjugal family albeit in a differentiated form. Is it not strange to realize that an inherent feature of modern society is complexity, specialization, and differentiation, and that this can be seen in every part of society-every part, that is, except the conjugal family system? Here we are told that there is "remarkable" homogeneity based on the "indispensable function" of expressive gratifications. It seems just as simple and perhaps more logical to assume the opposite, viz., that increasing societal complexity should be related to a more complex family system. In any event, given the ever increasing complexity of our society, the burden of proof is on those who argue that the conjugal family is going the other way occupations of the last century. Yet while agricultural occupations were supposedly inextricable from the family, the impact of modern occupations is largely ignored and thus unexplored.Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to set forth a conceptual schema which indicates that there is significant differentiation among types of conjugal families, and that this differentiation is based on differing relationships to the occupational structure. First, we will outline the five sets of variables within our schema; second, we will attempt to present a rationale for these particular kinds of variables; and finally, we will try to link them in ways that meaningfully demonstrate differentiation between conjugal families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A SYSTEM of punishment is the correlate of every power relationship. "Power," wrote Lasswell and Kaplan, "is a special case of the exercise of influence: it is the process of affecting the policies of others with the help of (actual or threatened) severe deprivations for nonconformity with the policies intended." The power holder disposes of an arsenal of penalties for securing the compliance of the persons over whom he has power. The need for labor discipline stems from the division of labor, which "gives rise to rules which assure pacific and regular concourse of the divided functions." The synchronization of specialized tasks, without which production could not go on, is conducted by management from a position of power. Compliance with standards of work performance is secured by manipulation of rewards and punishments. "The power seeker must find human beings who value the things [thus manipulated] sufficiently to obey his orders in return." a Since different individuals will make different appraisals of the values controlled by management, varying degrees of compliance may be expected. The arbitrary exercise of power by industrial managers was drastically restricted when the unilateral power structure of the open shop was replaced by the bilateral power structure that characterizes industrial relations where labor unions have won recognition. Unionization introduces an element of "due process" into the administration of industrial discipline. Uniform obedience to received orders is the essence of discipline. The limits within which orders will be obeyed without conscious questioning of their authority was called the "zone of indifference" by Chester Barnard. One boundary of this zone is the line beyond which the worker thinks that the effort required is so great that the game is no longer worth the candle. The other boundary is beyond the line where the effort forthcoming is so small that the employer thinks the game is not worth the candle. By securing greater rewards, unions have tended to enlarge the zone of indifference. These rewards, including the establishment of seniority rights, give workers a vested interest in continuing employment and hence in continuing obedience. Unionization on the one hand restricts management's power to punish, while on the other hand it reduces management's need to resort to punishment. The expectations of management are codified in a set of rules. Rule violations are subject to punishment. Appeal of penalties is regulated by a set of rules for the processing of grievances. Bureaucratization of management and unionization of labor appear thus as congruent organizational forms whose common denominator is reliance on impartial rules. This paper reports the findings of a study of punishment in a modern factory. The types of behavior subjected to punishment and the nature of the penalties were examined. The effect of the union's countervailing power on the use of penalties was analyzed, as were the relationships of technological and demographic variables to the differential incidence of punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Only a new, direct, systematic, and comprehensively envisaged effort to develop an appropriate terminology would seem to promise a thorough, effective removal of these defects. The proposals offered in this paper stem from an intensive study of Cooley's major works and the fields they represent, his own distinctive conceptual contributions, the basic assumptions pervading his general methodological and theoretic stance, and allied terminological differentiations embodying the same basic views in disciplines other than sociology. Stated simply and directly, the results of this inquiry indicate that Cooley's general sociological orientation is constituted of a configuration of ideas involving idealism, organicism, diversitarianism, nonrationality, the pervasiveness of conflict or opposition, and the constancy of change. Perhaps the best general designation for this configuration of ideas would be romanticism or romantic idealism, as Cooley's respect for and indebtedness to Hegel, Schaeffle, Emerson, and especially Goethe might suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When sociologists discuss the analytical concept "integration" they use an implicit conceptual imagery which must be made clear if some of the most common confusions and misunderstandings in this area are to be avoided. The recent discussion of the concept has been vigorous, but a systematic appraisal of the issue is needed. It is attempted in this paper. Our analysis must have two parts: first, we must understand the formal meaning of the concept "integration" as such—its logical properties, as it were, which stem from its nature as a characterization of whole-part relationships; second, we must apply the formal insights gained to a brief review of the analytical uses of the concept in sociological theory; it may then be possible to specify at least some of the conceptual relationships between different types of "integration theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses upon two university voluntary organizations engaged in tutoring lower-class Negro youngsters with the hope of increasing their intellectual capabilities and eventual achievements. The long-term goal of both groups was to boost the Negro into better educational tracks in school and eventually to better his social conditions within the community. This was to be accomplished by spending time with students after regular school hours helping them with the courses in which their performance had been considered poor. How much time a tutor spent with his tutee was determined by the particular individuals involved, for no stringent rules governed the didactic nature of the programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins paper describes several problems that have appeared as a computer system of content analysis has been used in research on social interaction. In addition, prospective contributions of such computer systems are also indicated in the hope that evaluations of the method will include the consideration of both issues. The particular system called The General Inquirer was developed by Stone and his associates at Harvard and is undoubtedly the most sophisticated computer system of content analysis and information retrieval presently available. A description of the essential features of this system will first be presented. Then some results of its application to a particular set of data will be described in order to illustrate the kinds of problems that emerge in the use of the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins paper represents a first step in exploring a theory of intraorganizational stratification. In pursuing this objective we will take the rather pronounced status hierarchy in a psychiatric hospital as our point of departure. The main focus is upon the social distance patterns that exist between the occupants of formal positions in the hospital, and the manner in which the manipulation of social distance as reward and punishment and as a status protection mechanism is a significant aspect of interstatus relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, a brief statement is made of the predilections of the two major contemporary approaches to the sociology of medical education. Though they differ, the differences are not, as they are often assumed to be, the result of method. This is not to say particular methods are not favored; rather, that the approaches are not wedded to a single method and do employ multiple-method programs of data-collecting. Differences that do exist may be attributed to variation in sociological conceptualization, in particular to differences of opinion regarding the concept "professional" and the process of "professionalization" as well as the social nature of medical schools and programs. A major point in issue is the social consequence of situational circumstances for the organization of behavior of medical students and house officers. Also, data from a current study of graduate medical education was reported. It has been implied that the sociological concern with professions, organization, and socialization would benefit from further consideration of the characteristics of the setting in which people prepare for and do work. The implication was not that environmental constants solely determine behavior nor that acquired attitudes or personal characteristics play no part in the nature and organization of professional behavior, but, rather, that the behavior of, for example, the fledgling physician during the various stages of professional preparation or, if you will, "professionalization," are influenced by immediate contingencies of file work setting as well as by the general prescriptions of the professional world. In an attempt at formulation of a multivariable model in explanation of the organization of professional behavior, Freidson conceptualizes the consequences of settings in terms: observability, those characteristics which determine if behavior is public and subject to influence; dependence, the need of others which allows for influence by them; normative expectations, those values which constitute the rationale for influence. In conclusion, the writer suggests on the basis of the research reported, that "information" regarding the circumstantial particulars of the setting is the crux of behavioral organization and that "exchange" is the mechanism facilitating the social operation of observability, dependence, and normative expectation. The manner in which interns were observed to organize their behavior was as much the result of knowledge of circumstances as of personal characteristics or previous medical education. The intern engaged in patient care is, of course, utilizing medical fact and expertise acquired in medical school. However, his technical and social performances are equally influenced by the physical and social facts of the hospital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we attempt to do the following with respect to the symbolic interactionist approach to social psychological phenomena: (1) to add to its relatively meager empirical base; (2) to develop a neglected aspect of the position, namely, the time dimension; and (3) to contribute to both the replication and the extension of the limited systematic research which has used this particular framework to focus on the key concept of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manford Kuhn in his review of twenty-five years of symbolic interaction theory noted that the "oral tradition" had sustained the theory during the years preceding the "age of inquiry." And, as Kuhn has accurately noted, this "age of inquiry" has utilized different subtheories and there was little consensus or "formalization" which preceded the empirical studies. This is true for Kuhn's own theory as well as for the other subtheories of the orientation. It is the purpose of this paper to correct this condition for Kuhn's theory. In doing this I have brought together, in a systematic manner, the ideas, definitions, assumptions, and propositions of the work of Kuhn and his students. With this foundation, I discuss several methodological problems of the theory which have not been previously investigated. It is hoped that this effort will contribute to the "age of inquiry" in Symbolic Interaction Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to report on the relationship found between a variety of content dimensions of the self and the expectations of each of four biographically significant others. The subjects whose self-conceptions are examined are 256 business executives and managers, and the four significant others whose expectations are perceived are wife, boss, a colleague, and father. Before turning to the findings it is necessary to discuss at least three methodological questions: (1) How do we know who is a significant other? (2) How do we measure the self? (8) What forms the link between others and the self? These issues are discussed in order below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a purely exploratory attempt to locate the role-specific-significant others (Sullivan's significant others) and the orientational others of a small sample of college students enrolled in a large midwestern university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A striking feature of the social participation literature is the tendency to concentrate on one type of activity. For example, studies dealing with formal organizations have described the character of such groups and their participants. Studies of friendship participation have traced the patterns of friendships and the type of people who are attracted to each other as friends. Consequently, few sociologists have focused their attention upon a question like: Are there any patterns or relationships between the different types of social participation? Participation in formal voluntary associations and informal voluntary interactions may be related to each other, influence each other, or at least be similarly influenced by other variables. This paper analyzes different types of social participation to determine if participation in one area of social activity is related to participation in other areas of social life. Specifically, we will try to determine (1) whether people who have many friends or who have a number of intimate friends are more apt to belong to formal voluntary organizations than those who have few friends or intimate friends; (2) whether participation in the family is related to participation in formal voluntary associations and informal voluntary interaction; and (3) whether ethnic generation status and sex alter the patterns between the different types of social participation. Generational status will be used as an independent variable since changes in ethnic status may modify the direction or the degree of relationship between the types of social activity. Sex will be used as a control variable since the roles which men and women play in society often differ considerably-especially among ethnics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of social movements have devoted a great deal of attention to types of leadership and problems of leadership change. Max Weber's concept of charismatic leadership has had an immense influence upon the thinking of sociologists about the sources of authority and dominance in changing political life. The "natural history" approach of many writers has stressed the decline of enthusiastic, agitational leadership and the development of statesmanlike, bureaucratic administrators as movements have become formally organized into stable structures. The approach of these studies has been on leadership changes through time as a function of different forms of structure and of different situations in which organized movements operate as they become large and institutionalized. It is our intention, in this paper, to examine the problems of leadership from a slightly different perspective. We are concerned with the conflicting types of demands made upon persons in leadership offices in many different situations. The focus of our attention is upon the persistent demands that leaders function within and before diverse audiences. In social movements, as well as in other complex and large organizations, the incumbent leadership is the center of demands to function in both internal and external environments. He is at the head of a hierarchy of authority and decision-making within the movement. At the same time, in the effort to affect change and to prevent the detrimental damage of a hostile environment, he operates in an environment of clients, enemies, adherents and potential recruits in which he has no authority and in which he represents the movement. The tension between these two areas gives rise to some characteristic problems of movements and their leadership. The empirical analysis given here is largely drawn from one organization—The Woman's Christian Temperance Union. It deals with leadership in two different periods—at the turn of the century and in the mid-1950's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present state of our knowledge dictates an eclectic explanation of social integration, coupled with careful specification of the conditions under which the various integrating mechanisms operate. There seems no good reason to follow Durkheim blindly, asserting categorically that value conflicts must disrupt social patterns. The present paper takes the position that any set of value commitments can act directly to promote social integration and explores the conditions under which these effects will occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The instrumental-expressive differentiation, employed extensively by Talcott Parsons, has been applied to the field of voluntary associations by several writers. Thus, Lundberg, Komarovsky, and McInery wrote of instrumental, mixed, and leisure associations in an early study, and Rose concerned himself with two types of associations, the social influence group and the expressive group. This means of classifying voluntary associations has appeared recently in at least one introductory sociology textbook. A recent impetus to the use of the instrumental-expressive categorization in this field was the publication by Gordon and Babchuk of a typology of associations utilizing this concept. They define the ideal type of instrumental association as differing from the ideal type of expressive association in the following three ways. (1) The member of the expressive association achieves immediate and continuing gratification from taking part in the organization's activities. The instrumental association member may even find the group's activities distasteful, but he will get satisfaction from the knowledge that they help to accomplish certain long-range goals. In other words, personal gratification is more remote (in terms of time) from participation in the group's activities for the member of the instrumental group than the member of the expressive group. (2) The activities of the instrumental association tend to be externally oriented, whereas those of the expressive association are focused inward. Expressive organizations "perform a function primarily for the individual participants through activities confined and self-contained within the organization itself…. In contrast, the major function and orientation of the instrumental organization are related to activities which take place outside the organization." (3) The activities of members of expressive associations represent ends in themselves, while, for instrumental association members, participation in the group's activities is seen as a means of accomplishing external, long-range goals. The major questions raised in this paper are whether members of instrumental associations differ predictably from members of expressive associations regarding (1) the manner in which persons become members of associations and (2) their involvement in primary group situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a great amount of criticism of structural-functional theory, particularly with respect to its supposed inability to deal with social change. Should structural-functional theory be unable to account for the sources of social change, then it is indeed guilty of an implicit ideological commitment to the status quo. If it can be shown that this theory is capable of dealing with social change, then we can accept Merton's statement: … it is the evaluations which permit the pouring of ideological content into the bottles of functionalism. The bottles themselves are neutral to their contents, and may serve equally well as containers for ideological poison or for ideological nectar. The position taken here is that Merton's statement is correct, provided that an important accommodation is made. This accommodation consists in the explicit incorporation of the dialectical process into structural-functional theory. The dialectical process implies a conflict model of society; it is in the tradition of Marx, who argued that without conflict there can be no progress. It adopts the proposition that conflict is empirically both a normal and an essential element in the social structure. In the simplest terms, the dialectic tells us something about the sources of a particular kind of social change. We are not content, as is Dahrendorf, with advocating a conflict model of society as an alternative to functionalism. The goal is nothing less than to reconcile the two approaches. Dahrendorf has himself recognized that the conflict model cannot provide all the answers since society is "Janusheaded." It is extremely difficult to talk about the prediction of empirical outcomes when one is required to look first at an integration model and then turn to the conflict model. It is necessary to construct one model which will qualify the integration model of society so as to give weight (the exact amount is an empirical question) to the disruptive elements in society. A considerable portion of this paper will be devoted to disengaging the dialectic from its ideological moorings and making it trim for sociological analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine, with the use of census data, the extent to which variables associated with income and with ecological aspects of urbanism or rurality determine migration. Because most relationships between such variables and migration have been examined previously, and because these variables are known to be related to each other, then the influence of each variable on migration in the light of the remaining variables will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost without exception, students of community life have held that the neighborhood as a basis for association disappears as the degree of urbanization increases. Simmel and Park provided the early theoretical basis; Bernard, McClenhan, Roper, Sweetser, and others, conducted early empirical studies which provided the factual basis for Wirth's later restatement of the Simmel-Park position. After this initial research, which could be characterized as "Chicago style," interest in the problem waned. Recently there has been a resurgence of interest in the problems of urbanization including studies of neighboring as well as other forms of social participation. On the basis of these theoretical statements and empirical studies, most students of the community have continued to point out that contacts with neighbors are less frequent and more superficial in the city than they are in the country. Unfortunately, however well conceived and well executed the empirical studies in this area have been, they do not provide a factual basis for the comparative statements given in most urban-sociology textbooks. The research has been confined to studies of one neighborhood, or two or more neighborhoods in the same city. In addition, none of the studies uses the same "valid" scale for populations from various points on a rural-urban continuum. The problem of testing the above hypothesis, i.e., that there is a negative relationship between urbanism and frequency or quality of neighborhood contacts, is two-fold: to develop a "valid" scale applicable to people located at any point along the urbanism continuum; and to interview a sample of people located at various points along that continuum. Work that tests this hypothesis and is aimed at solving both the problems outlined above is the interest of this paper. Because of the resurgence of interest in the area and a possibly wider use for the scale, it was decided to report these results even though the full work was completed almost eleven years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]