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Discusses the establishment of the annual Congress of the History of Religions. Part played by religion in social evolution; Preview of the 1908 congress, which will be held in Oxford, England; Participation of the representatives of British and foreign universities and academies; Topics of papers to be presented; Contact information.

The article presents a speech by the president of the Sociological Society Edward Brabrook, during its annual meeting in London, England. The president addressed few words on the occasion of the annual meeting of the society. He paid tribute to physician J.H. Bridges, one of the most efficient member of the society. The production of three volumes of sociological papers, and of the first volume of quarterly "Sociological Review" were further discussed. In the first volume, published in 1904, V.V. Branford, honorary secretary and founder of the society traced the origin and the use of the word sociology. The twofold method by which the study is to be pursued was broadly defined. In the second volume its relation to the philosophy of history and its relation to ethics were stated, while the third volume fitly closes with the paradox of H.G. Wells, that sociology is not a science. The other sections discussed in the speech were progress report of the "Sociological Review," various meetings of the society in the past, finance, eugenics, civics, education and social economy.

This paper was originally planned as an abstract of the introduction to a book on the coordination of the social sciences. It was written out in its present form as a contribution to the discussions at the conference on the same topic, held at Oxford, England, in October 1922. Unfortunately it arrived just too late for use at the conference; but it was kept in hand. The task of preparing the paper for the printer has not been altogether easy; for the author is now in India, and it has been impossible to consult him on a number of points, some of them important. The author has not hesitated to make slight changes in choice and order of words, and arrangement of matter, where he seemed to see clearly that improvement was possible. In some other respects slight changes have been necessary to meet printing difficulties. The author trusts, however, that the ideas, which the author is earnest to place before his readers, have in no way been obscured by these changes. It is impossible to foretell how far a contribution on such original lines will have authority with the sociologists of to-day.

The London Society arranges visits to places of interest in London and Lectures on London problems. It is at the present time publishing a valuable series of papers on "The Transport and Open Space Problem in City Development," while its November issue also Contains an article on the Roman Wall of London, thus well illustrating the combination of forelook and backlook for which the Civic Society stands. To illustrate directions in which useful work might be done by a society such as the one now mentioned allusion may be made to certain subjects brought before it recently. On the one hand, the danger was shown of a fine tree being destroyed by reason of building operations and of an interesting 15th century Manor House perishing through lack of repair and, on the other, attention was drawn in to the nuisances arising from the emission of excessive smoke from steam lorries and the scattering of paper about the streets. "The aim of the Birmingham Society will be always to keep in mind this ideal of a regenerate city. Its members will realise that sweeping schemes of reconstruction cannot suddenly be executed, but they will remember too, that such reconstruction, however slowly it may be achieved, is the only hope of making the city they live in a monument to anything but their carelessness and greed.

The article focuses on the paper on present tendencies in class differentiation by lecturer F.G. D'aeth presented at the meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England. The object of D'aeth's paper was to show that the basis determining class had changed during the past 150 years from that of social position of the family to that of ability of the individual, and that the present class constitution was tending more accurately to represent a grading of ability. Class determination by family and birth which existed 150 years ago had been broken down by three forces: the economic development of society, the education movement, and the formation of the large town. Passage from one class to another was rendered much easier, not only on account of the removal of social barriers but also, partly by the enormous increase, in the number of new posts--thus affording opportunity to hitherto undeveloped forms of ability, and partly by the much greater capacity for expansion within a single occupation--thus affording scope for degree of ability. In view of the importance of ability and its influence in determining the construction of society, it was desirable to study its forms, its distribution in a people, and the laws of its production and transmission.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the growth of Reading, England, more especially its industrial activities, with a view to determine the relative importance of three factors in its development: viz. (1) geographical factors: (2) historical factors: (3) personal initiative. Amongst geographical factors that go to the building up of an industry may be mentioned: (a) a commanding position affecting communication facilities, access to supplies of raw material, and to suitable markets: (b) a background of agricultural wealth, not only for food supply to the workers, but also for imparting economic stability to the area as a whole: (c) an adequate supply of labor at the right price and of the required intelligence: (d) the ability to obtain locally cheap power in any required quantity: (e) the presence within easy reach of abundant supplies of raw material. Reading was not predetermined by nature to be a busy industrial center. Her position, in respect of communications, was too far inside the country, and too much at the mercy of caprice, and financiers.

The article focuses on the lecture "The Future of London Government," delivered by Gilbert Slater on London government's future, during a meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England. The author describes London not as a city but a province with no civic rights. The London County council possesses no general municipal rights, while the corporation of the city, which did possess such rights, governed only one square mile of the whole metropolitan areas, and the powers of the metropolitan borough councils were more restricted than those of an ordinary urban district council. A city council for Greater London was indicated along with the necessity for a considerable degree of local self-government for existing boroughs and districts. True municipal councils for London boroughs were the second desideratum for the reform of London government. The author further proposes that Local Government Board should be abolished, and Ministries of Labour and Public Health constituted. Parliamentary procedure also needed to be raised to the municipal level of efficiency.

The article focuses on the lecture delivered on racism by G. Chatterton Hill at the meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England.

The article focuses on the lecture "The Obstacles to Eugenics" delivered by C.W. Saloeby during the meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England.

This article presents the preliminary report of the Central Body concerning employment in London, England as of June 1907. The chief of the Labor Colonies are Hollesley and Fambridge. The work at Fambridge consisted of reclaiming the flooded land and repairing the sea-wall, and it lasted from February 1906 to July 1907. The average number of men employed was 150. Hollesley Bay is primarily an agricultural training college, but the men are also trained in building construction and estate repairs. The usual term are 16 weeks, but a few selected men who have shown a special aptitude for country life were kept longer and given a training that would fit them to become small holders, it being then understood by the committee that a suitable scheme for the provision of small holdings for the selected men could be put into operation. Owing to an adverse decision of the Local Government Board, this was found to be impossible. Attempts to secure situations in the country were unsuccessful and some of the men who had become thoroughly discouraged at having the hopes which had been raised in their minds with respect to settlement on the land defeated, returned to town.

The article presents information on events and meetings held related to the field of sociology. The first joint meeting was held in conjunction with the S.E. Union of Scientific Societies, and the Regional Association on April 22, 1921, at the rooms of the Linnean Society, Burlington House, London. Joint meetings with the Regional Association were also held on May 12, 1921 and June 2, 1921. Discussion on "Co-operation in Social Studies" and "Municipal Survey of Sheffield" was done. Also, a meeting on the study of "La Science Sociale" was held on June 29, 1921 where discussion on "Comment la Route crée le Type social" was done. Also, lectures on Civics an Sociology was given during May and early part of June and discussion on "Education in Its Wider Aspects and on its Various Levels," was done on July 12, 14, 19 and 21 respectively. Furthermore, a meeting on June 14, 1921 in the rooms of the Royal Society was held where there was a discussion on "The Non-Co-operation Movement in India."

This article examines the influence of the child's domestic environment on the incidence of juvenile delinquency in London, England. A very considerable body of evidence exists which indicates that juvenile delinquency is closely associated with abnormal family conditions. The factor of step-parenthood among delinquent home is of particular interest, in view of the psychological consequences which have been ascribed to the influence of step-parents. Kuhn, in her study of step-mothers comes to the exclusion that they lack certain fundamental bonds with their step children, no matter how conscientious they may be. Partly in consequence of the conventional notion of the wicked step-mother, and partly on account of the intrinsic psychological difficulties of the situation, a state of emotional tension often exist between step-mother and step-child, which may explode anti-social conduct in the latter. As regards to illegitimacy, the matter is more obscure. Social workers can often spot an illegitimate child through slight nuances of a derogatory kind in the attitude of either parent towards the child. That attitudes of this sort on the part of the parents are capable of precipitating anti-social conduct in children is vouched for by psychiatric experience with children.

This article discusses the results of a survey for the Southampton, England which aims to construct a series of indices of social conditions for the various districts of the Town and to measure the distribution of income by classifying the population into income grades. The construction of this particular index was the largest of the tasks, and the method to arrive at it will be described in some detail. Some of social condition indices such as the infant mortality rate per ward and the census figures of persons per room, were already in existence. Others were made from data collected for the Southampton Civic Survey. These include, house density per acre of housing land, population per acre of housing land and public open space per person. The method used for ascertaining income distribution was that of the mass interview, while enquiry method was confined to families with dependent children, or strictly , children of all ages up to school-leaving age. The study selected infant mortality rate as representative of health conditions. The wards at Town, Saint Mary's, Notham and Trinity make distinctly the worst showing, in health, overcrowding, and with one exception, house density.

In an extended study of a great part of the Yorkshire Dales, England, the author has found great difficulty in obtaining material that will give a clear picture of the state of the country villages and towns during the 14th and 15th centuries, and has found a close analysis of the Poll Tax returns of 1379, of the greatest value to fill in the middle part of the hiatus. The returns consist of lists of tax payers arranged in villages, within wapentakes or other larger areas, the tax being graduated according to social position and work, and ranging from 10 Marks to 4 Pence, on the humble laborer and servant. The tax was levied on all persons over 16 years of age, man and wife being charge a single tax. It will be found that in the same large district, the trades, manor farmers, merchants usually have each a special scale of tax, which will indicate at least the rank of the persons taxed, if actual occupation is omitted.

This study examines the mobility of labor in Liverpool, England. In Liverpool during 1921 out of a total occupied population of 247,249 males, 17,027 were general dockers, while in Bottle the number of dock labourers was 2,881. Of the dockers estimated to work on Merseyside, about 20,000 are registered under the clearing house scheme. Out of 222 non-tally holders studies, only 20 were in the habit of going to sea, although sea going is one of the principal alternative occupations of the docker. The fact of specialisation within the docks should be borne in mind in considering the problem of inter-dock mobility. Amongst the tally holders--20,000 in number--about 5,000 are reckoned to be out of work each week, but not the same 5,000 every week. The clearing house system spreads the unemployment fairly equally. According to the census of 1921, there were in Liverpool, approximately 15,000 seamen, and in Bottle, another 2,300. The analysis of the occupations left by 75 men on going to sea and of the occupations entered by 55 men on giving up seafaring shows that casual labor forms the principal reservoir from which seafarers are drawn. There is, however, a high sea-land mobility among cooks, stewards and waiters, and to a less extent, among firemen, greasers and trimmers. As to mobility there is a balance of movement from land to sea employment. This is encouraged by the restrictions on dock employment, but discouraged by the tightening up of union rules.

The article evaluates an essay entitled "The Coal Crisis and the Future" published in the January 1926 issue of "The Sociological Review." It is observed that the author of the essay studies the national transition now in progress in England, from the crude utilitarian ideas and wasteful methods of earlier industrialism, towards high technical efficiency and economy, directed by scientific ideals of public welfare. This movement from an older to the newer age includes the changes from steam to electric power; from the mere burning of coal to its transformation into manifold products of value. The article further suggests some solutions to the problem of coal. The first step is to save the large amount of inferior coal, which is at present rejected at the pit mouth as unsaleable; and the second is, to make a more efficient use of the coal now used as fuel. The direct burning of raw coal must be prohibited because it involves the total loss of many by-products of great value to agriculture and to the chemical industries, and also produces smoke.

The article discusses Hillaire Belloc's book "The Road." This book is divided into two parts. The first part is devoted to a consideration of the general principles of road evolution, while the second part traces the development of the English road in the light of these principles. In part one Belloc commences with the problem of how the road came into existence. He discusses various influences which may operate to divert a road from the geometrically straight line between the two points to be joined by what he calls the "trajectory." Part two deals with a claim of uniqueness of character for the English roads, a reflection of the special course run by later English history and the factors responsible for the lack of great direct highways on the Roman or French model. According to the author, for Belloc the road is mainly a line of route, and its evolution a question of layout improvement. However, the road as an artificial floor is very little in his thoughts. He did not pay much attention to the relativity of primitive surface standards to the nature of the traffic to be accommodated and technical development of floor construction.

The article provides information on the author's attempt to delimit a civic nucleus for London, England, from a vast surrounding of industrial and residential areas. The map made by the author for the area contains London's main economic, political, social and cultural organs. It has business centers, government offices, parliament, courts of justice, universities, theatres and the specialized quarters of certain classes of representative like governing classes and artists. This map is categorized in three parts. Central London proper is grouped about a Town Center behind the river bend at Charing Cross, which since the Restoration era has been increasingly the center of gravity of London. Eastwards of this lies the original city, now completely relegated to the purposes of commerce and finance. Westwards is an extension or annexe of the central area beyond Westminster, between the river and Hyde Park. The author further details features of each part and explores the possible ways in which the area can further developed.

The author considers that the future of the civilization depends on the arresting of the decay of agriculture and the three other basic industries, housing, the clothing trade, and the coal trade, that is the provision of firing. Of these the author is inclined to put the reconstruction of agriculture first. The author views this question of the importance of the subject from various points of view. Great civilizations of which people know anything definite seem to have taken the same line of development. A growth of industry accompanied by a drift from country to town has always produced great wealth and its twin brother widespread poverty. Then has come decay. Many people think that the civilization will inevitably take the same course. The author does not believe that this decay is inevitable, and for this reason. For the first time in the history of the world people have knowledge of science and have developed a power of clear analysis. In the last few years, beginning perhaps about the year 1885, people have investigated, as yet somewhat tentatively, the social facts of life. Out of that investigation is beginning to evolve a knowledge and understanding of financial and economic facts that is substantially new. During the same period economic and social history has been explored and in the last ten years remarkable information has been obtained.

The article presents the annual report of the Sociological Society that was presented by the Council to the Annual General Meeting on July 10, 1923. The Council of the Sociological Society has to record that the year 1922-23 has witnessed a period of considerable activity. The usual number of meetings has been held, and have been well attended, a Conference on "The Correlation of the Social Sciences" was held in Oxford, England, last autumn, which attracted some attention in the U.S. and France, as well as in Great Britain. The Social Psychology Group has had a satisfactory year in pursuit of its investigation into the Modern Family.

This article presents the annual report for 1921-22 to the members of the Sociological Society. The report records the progress made in various directions. To remove the financial difficulty of the Council, it has been suggested to increase the membership and increase donations from members of the Society or from the interested outsiders. The report lists the program of meetings for the last year. In addition to the Monthly Meetings, a course of weekly lectures was given throughout the Autumn term by Harold J. E. Peake on "The Evolution of the English Village Community." These lectures embodied the results of Peake's researches on this subject, and they have now been published in book form. In accordance with proposals brought before the Council, the Deputy- Chairman and the Secretary of the Society paid two visits to Oxford, England, during the winter with a view to ascertaining how far those interested there in the study of the social sciences would be inclined to co-operate with the work of the Society in London, England. The suggestion of some form of co-operation was well received.

The article discusses the developments in the steel industry of South Yorkshire. Sheffield, England has become the most important centre in the world for the manufacture of steels of the highest class. Sheffield had furnaces, which were driven by water power making it an important site of the smelting industry. Its natural advantages were great. Iron ore, although not of the highest quality, was easily obtained by shallow mining by the so-called bell pits, wood for making charcoal was abundant, and above all, water power was to be had with little trouble. It is easy to see that a region with such natural advantages would become a centre of iron smelting, and that workmen would settle in groups in the neighbourhood. For the finer qualities of steel, the local ores were insufficiently pure, and iron and steel were imported from Germany and elsewhere to be forged and worked by local smiths and cutlers. The reason for the steel industry remaining in Sheffield is to be sought in the human factors.

This article provides information on Painswick, a parish and town on the southern slope of one of the Cotswold ridges of hills in England. The town's area is 5,898 acres of land and 11 acres of water, and its population in 1911 was 2,638. During the last century the population has fluctuated considerably, rising 1,000 in the first thirty years, when the woollen industry was flourishing, falling 900 during the next thirty years when the competition of the coal producing centres ruined the cloth mills, and rising more than 900 during the next thirty years when local enterprise overcame the difficulties of the absence of coal and the lack of communication. The situation of the town is particularly healthy and pleasant. Roman settlements were numeorus in this district, and it is thought that some of the local games and customs were a survival of the Roman festivals, so that there seems to have been a continuity of life and tradition here from very early times. The records of the gifts and bequests of inhabitants of Painswick to their native place date back at least as far as the sixteenth century, and include not only money left for the provision of almhouses, with weekly allowances to the inhabitants of those houses.

This article examines the role of bankers in social reconstruction in England. The Bank of England reached its immensity by absorbing and replacing one of the ancient city churches. The style adopted in the architecture of modern banks is an attitude of instinctive reverence on that part of the public towards an honoured institution. The high personages in the public life of the precise role of the banker is perhaps least clearly realized by the popular mind. In order to analyse that role, the inner shrine of the hieratic craft must be discovered. The contrast of magnificence in Lombard Street, as the foregoing compound of temple and palace in London, and meanness in Post Office Court is the same contrast throughout the banking system. The London Clearing House represents the Banks as united for public service, and the temple-palaces of Lombard Street in the region. The customary use of the banker as cashier in both business and private life has gone even further in the U.S. The cheque and clearing system has immensely amplified the role of the banker as social accountant. Functionally the colonial bank differs from the orthodox English type in that, like the German banks, it has gone into the business of financiering. As it worst, financiering means the promotion of speculative enterprise wherever there are greedy investors to be tempted. The success of the financier reside in his skill in effecting the transformation of his potential into actual currency. But for the banker-financier interest was what the public received in return on a secured investment.

This articles discusses several sociological factors that contributed to infant welfare problems. The efficiency of a nation may be taken as a function of quantity and quality of a society. Human beings are constituted psychologically that a certain amount of pressure to live is necessary in order to develop the greatest efficiency. Education is one of the fundamental difficulties in the problem of the large family. The size of families is a contributory cause of the inefficient growth of the child. Incomes of men played an important role in the prosperity throughout their lives. The natural optimism of individuals is usually sufficient to cause them to believe that the chance of a long period of prosperity when they are older. The families under consideration are the poorest in a part of the East End of London in England, where the majority of mothers who are sufficiently advanced to appreciate the opportunity of having their babies examined by a doctor each week. Herein showed the influence of the health of the mothers on a rapidly increasing family in the area. But the main cause in producing the ill-health of the mother is attributed to the effect of the rapidly recurring pregnancies. The fact that the fall in mortality occurs much earlier in the case of the small family than it does in the case of the large family seems to suggest that exhaustion of the mother is a powerful influence. On other aspect of infant welfare, bad housing conditions contributed to the infant mortality rate. Thus, with the large family, it certainly appears that some reason other than housing in influencing the chances of the life of the child.

The article focuses on the position of England in the war. Although to the unbiased onlooker it seems plain enough, no doubt because the matter has been clouded by reason of certain charges brought against England by Germany. England has become Germany's "dearest foe" in this war. As a result the place of France and the reasons for French participation in the war have remained under certain obscurities which, in justice to the French, should be cleared up. It is remarkable, at the outset, that the Germans do not bring any charges against France, save the vague one-put forth officially late in the game-that France had intended to violate the neutrality of Belgium. They confess, on the contrary, that it was their own intention to crush France utterly in any case. On this showing, they admit that France was fully justified in resisting; and they admire the heroism with which she resisted. There is a good deal more in the subject of the place of France in the present war than this, however; and certain of the current presuppositions on the subject-current in the United States at least-are ill-founded. The present discussion focuses on this aspect.

The article examines the incidence of insanity in Great Britain. A special investigation made by the Royal Commission on the Feeble-minded in England and Wales disclosed the fact that 0.46 per cent, of the total population were mental defectives and were not at present registered; they are therefore almost as numerous as the registered insane. It has been calculated that if the same percentage holds good for the population of London, England with its 4,522,961 inhabitants there would be 20,805 unregistered mental defectives. It is quite possible that while registered insanity has increased markedly during the last twenty years, with the provision of increased accommodation, unregistered insanity has diminished; in fact, it is well known that the village idiots and the lower grade imbeciles--who were at large all over the country--have accumulated by detention in asylums and now help to swell the registered insane. Another important cause of the increase is that collective responsibility has replaced family responsibility; and the humane treatment and improved housing of the insane under the control of the people's representatives, with all the legal penalties attached to any cruelty, have removed the objections the public formerly had to put away an insane relative or friend.

This article focuses on the presents tendencies of class differentiation in England. The class structure of English society has, within the past hundred years, undergone considerable alteration. The clearly marked lines of demarcation between the different classes have disappeared. The divine grading of society into super imposed stations of life, the division between gentle and common blood, the legal regulation of dress and social customs, and the attitude of respect to one's betters-all these views and rules have been profoundly modified. In the main, the changes have been produced by two factors: the economic development of society and the movement of the society towards democracy. Some results of economic development that should be noticed in connection with social change are: the large number and varied nature of occupations which have been occasioned; the scope for development and rise in position within a single occupation; and the formation of large towns. The second factor has also some noticeable results such as the change in the conception of the state; the development of the sense of corporate responsibility; and the development of an elaborate system of education.

The article discusses the report of the Joint Committee of University and Working-Class about the endowments of the University and Colleges of Oxford and their history and purpose. One evidence of the growing self-consciousness of the people during the nineteenth century is the movement towards adult education, which was manifested in many and varied forms. In the first chapter of the Report of the Joint Committee of University and Working Class representatives the story is briefly told, how the interest of workpeople in their own education waxed and waned, leaped forward and sank back, as the hopes kindled by other movements awoke them to new possibilities, or distress and disappointment made them skeptical of any kind of progress. When one considers against what terrible economic difficulties the people strove throughout the century, it may well excite wonder that education as such was ever seriously contemplated. For not only were political discontent and bread and butter ambition prompting causes of these movements, but religion and cooperation and Christian socialism-ideals in which it is probable that the altruistic instinct dominates the egoistic-inspired in their season the demand for higher education.

This article presents a survey, which was conducted between September 1949 and November 1950, on the health of men living and working in a ship-building town of Wallsend, England. About one-fifth of the total number of men and boys interviewed had no illness or injury during the survey period. The number of illnesses causing incapacity was 83, and the total number of injuries was 18. Upper respiratory infections, which included influenza, colds and catarrh, were the most frequent complaints reported. Next came rheumatism and then digestive disorders. Complaints such as rheumatism, heart trouble and deafness increase with age. Up to the middle life, the incidence of these particular complaints is significantly low. Then, after the age of 50, they occur with greater frequency. On the other hand, it will be seen that, although bronchitis shows an increase, colds and influenza decrease with age. The only complaints that occur in excess of the expected amount before middle age are eye complaints among boys under 21. The liability to illness increases up to the age of 60, with a sudden spurt between 41 and 50. After the age of 60, however, the number of people ill suddenly decreases. The number of men with new injuries follows a different trend however; boys under 21 have the greatest tendency to be injured.

This section presents the author's reflections on liberty. Not a day passes that I do not reflect most gratefully on the blessings of liberty and most anxiously on the perils to which it is exposed. It means both freedom from and freedom for certain things. The three main branches of the stately tree of liberty--national, political, spiritual--are all of equal value. Long before nationalism took shape as an articulate creed in the era of the French Revolution, a deep-rooted instinct resented an alien yoke as a supreme indignity. In my own lifetime I have witnessed nothing of more epoch-making significance than the awakening of Asia, for I am old enough to remember the beginnings of the Congress Party in India and the Boxer rebellion in China. It is one of the distressing paradoxes of history that communities which have demanded and won their national liberty are often just as ready to deny it to others as if they despised and rejected the principle itself. The struggle for liberty has to be waged against foes within, no less than foes without. Political liberty, which means the sharing of power and responsibility among the whole body of citizens, first appears in the mediæval Swiss cantons. It is the glory of England to have invented the principle of representation in the thirteenth century, and to have shown that a parliament could take a hand in government.

This article presents a pilot survey of the country village of Much Marcle in Herefordshire, England conducted in 1949. The objective of this survey is to investigate how the village of Much Marcle maintained both its population and culture. Much Marcle lies almost midway between Ross and Ledbury, at the foot of the Eastern ridge of the famous Woolhope Dome and almost on the borders of Gloucestershire. Though the population has not, strictly speaking, been maintained over the last fifty years, there has been an increased demand for labor in the parish and were is not for the housing shortage, the population during the last ten years would have increased. Some general conclusion may be drawn from the survey. First, as far as cultural or recreational institutions and meetings in Much Marcle are concerned, the people from whom the leaders of the village are drawn are factory leaders, farmers, leaders of religious organizations and the big house owners. Second, a rural factory is intent on providing institutions that will satisfy the needs of its present and potential labor force. The modern industrial conception of the importance of welfare of labor is apparent. Three, farmers rarely come forward to lead community life.

The article presents information about Durham city. Durham city is one of the smaller county towns of England, having a population of only 16,223, in 1931. At the centre of its, county, on the main rail and road route between London and Edinburgh, and county town of one of the most densely peopled industrial and mining counties, it has nevertheless failed to retain the pre-eminence which it once had as capital of a Palatinate Principality and as queen of its region. Brilliantly adapted by mediaeval planners, this river-girt peninsula is a perfect background for the beautiful old city. But beyond the peninsula on all sides is a terrain ill-suited alike to modern communications and traffic and to industrial expansion. The valley is deep and enclosed and the surrounding country rolling or hilly, and on the western side of the town runs a long deltaic ridge of soft sand rising sharply from 100 to 200 feet above the land on either side. The river was mainly useful as a natural moat to medieval Durham, though two weirs were constructed to provide mill races and to improve the fishing.

This article discusses the social function of secondary education in the modern industrial society in England. The view is now widely held that the right point of departure for that comprehensive rethinking of educational policy is to be found in the region of secondary education. There is much to justify this view. When the history English education comes to be written it will be shown that when in the 19th century universal elementary education was provided, the true reason was a not very articulate realization that a society, rapidly becoming industrial, had reached a stage where it would break down unless a modicum of elementary education were given to all its members, however poor and humble they might be. The publication of the "Hadow" Report of the Consultative Committee of the Board of Education in 1926 marks the attainment of a further stage. Though carried out in mutilated form, without that raising of the school-leaving age and that recognition of all education of the adolescent as "secondary" which the framers of the Report thought to be essential, the adoption of its recommendations does recognize the attainment of another long step in the march of necessity.

The article discusses social structure of English county town, Hertford, England. The study of social structure involves the analysis of a society into its constituent groups and the study of their composition, recruitment, interrelationship and observations of society in action. The subject of the study is a specific county town, Hertford. Unfortunately it is hardly a typical county town. Its population is little more than fourteen thousand and is within the orbit of the direct influence of the metropolis and Greater London, being no more than twenty miles from the centre thereof. A development of great significance is the recent centralization of the County council administration in the town. Hertford had often in the past been in danger of losing many of its county town functions. It is now assured of this function, a function of growing importance with the continued expansion of the scope of county council activities. Incidentally, Hertford is also assured of a strong middle-class population of professional status. Poor railway services and lack of land suitable for building development have limited its expansion. Improved facilities would doubtless cause a rapid increase, for Hertford is well situated as a potential satellite town.

This article presents information on a study which focused on the industrial history of secondary school boys in Leicester, England during the years 1931-1936. The children who leave elementary schools at the age of fourteen plus do not, as a rule immediately enter any progressive type of employment. In most districts the child of fourteen can readily get a job of sorts, but little selectiveness is shown in the choice of job. The large demand for young workers, particularly in the year or so immediately following their entry into industry when the wages are very low, enables them to move easily from one job to another. On the whole, it can be taken that a very large part of any noticeable difference in the industrial careers of elementary and secondary school-leavers is to be attributed to the better quality and greater length of education that the latter have received. From the survey, the boys who have had the advantage of a secondary school education with its prolongation of formal education, usually change their jobs less frequently than those who leave school at fourteen. They choose their work more deliberately, having regard to prospects and to congenial employment. It would seem that the secondary school boy has learned to realize the importance of specific training and is prepared to give up a considerable amount of his leisure in order to obtain it.

The article presents the first hand experience of the author about his relation with fellow workers, their attitude to work and to authority and their philosophy of life while working in a factory in London, England. After Graduating at Oxford in August 1933, the author began working in a London factory as a laborer. The author was struck with the kindness of the fellow workers for him their distrust of authority, their sense of fellowship, and their cynicism. The author was put at first in a sort of labor center from which men were lent to any department which required labor. In this way he saw more shops and men, and a greater variety of work, than would have been possible. The author sometimes questioned men of about his own age whether they felt this difference in dignity of work. According to the author, it was hard to say whether they felt there was any dignity in work as such. The author was impressed by the hostility towards authority which is often felt by men in the lower grades of industry.

It seems that most of the forces we have discussed have been working in one direction: to cause the selling up of the landed estates and the disappearance to a considerable extent of the landowning class.1 Since all the factors have been present it is useless to discuss whether the same development would have occurred if any one had been absent. We can note that legislation and taxation have rendered land-ownership less attractive, but it must also be observed that the selling of land on a large scale already took place before e.g. the Budget of 1909 and the subsequent campaign against landlordism. The evidence available suggests that the disadvantages of large-scale ownership is a contributory motive to selling, but the decisive condition is the opportunity to realise a favourable price. It is only on this basis that we can attempt to explain the enormous transfer which took place in 1919 and the following years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on a study that discusses the ability and educational opportunity in relation to parental occupation. The study attempts to assess the intellectual differences between two contrasted social groups in the English school population, constituted respectively by children educated at the expense of the state (free pupils) and children educated at the expense of their parents (fee-paying pupils). The study aims at the classification of the subjects according to parental occupation and socio-economic status, and compares the educational opportunities enjoyed by the filial generation of different socio-economic groups. This throws some light upon the extent of the educational and thus, in part, of the economic mobility characteristic of various occupational levels in the London population. Differences in the educational status of the filial generation correspond with striking differences in parental occupation. In the group of children educated at the expense of the state 75.6% per cent are the offspring of manual workers, compared with 6.5 per cent in the group educated at the expense of their parents.

This article addresses the social and educational aspects of the Homecroft Movement in England. Homecrofting is a certain system of combining land cultivation with working-class housing. An actual model of a Homecroft settlement can be seen in its beginnings on a very small scale on the National Homecroft Association's land near Cheltenham, where a colony of 10 houses are provided by private capital for the sake of giving a concrete demonstration of the plan. Every family is to have its detached house and croft. The house is two-storied, has five apartments, is built substantially with cement blocks, and is in every way superior to what an unskilled labourer's wage would usually enable him to have. Yet it is intended that the ordinary wage-earning worker should find it possible to live there. As additional economic resource is put into his hands from which to find the rent. The croft is fitted out for providing the family with food. The sociological interest of these endeavours lies in the fact that the success which has already attended them may reasonably be expected to grow. In endeavouring to make the system economic, the principle followed was that of beginning with the likeliest land and people, with a view to advancing towards the less likely step by step, as methods became more completely mastered and experience grew.

The article focuses on issues related to regional organization of higher education in England. Any satisfactory alternative system to the one at present in existence for the local control of state-aided elementary and higher education would run counter to many ancient boundaries and local prejudices, in as much as the local areas governed by publicly elected bodies and charged with the duty of administering the Education Acts are Counties and County Boroughs for the purposes both of Elementary and of Higher Education, and Urban Districts and Municipal Boroughs for Elementary Education only; but co-ordination, particularly in Higher Education, would be more easily achieved if local, authorities and the Board of Education were to view their problems from a regional as well as from a local aspect. Sociologist C.B. Fawcett has indicated certain definite principles for guidance in dividing the country into natural regions; boundaries should be chosen so as to interfere as little as possible with the ordinary movements and activities of the people; each province should have a capital or twin capitals which should be in a real sense the focus of its life; the least province should be sufficiently populated to justify some measure of self-government, but no province should be so populous as to dominate the federation of provinces which forms the nation.

The change in the procedure of banking being an accomplished fact, the wisest course to adopt was to recognise it as such and endeavour to put the agriculturist's house in order and thus provide it with the necessary qualifications for access to the banking world. In a country such as England, where banking was so highly developed that in almost every village of any size large and powerful institutions were represented, it would be a work of supererogation to establish other and competitive banking machinery. It was infinitely better business to set to work to fulfil the requirements of the bankers in the matter of security and thus gain immediate access to the vast funds in their hands awaiting investment. A purely agricultural bank would have all its eggs in one basket and must necessarily, from the nature of its business, be deficient in liquid assets and not in a position to call in its advances in the event of an unexpected drain on its deposits. Bankers, while recognising that advances to farmers could not readily be called in at short notice, appreciated the fact that those made for fixed periods were regularly and punctually repaid, while the progress and enterprise of the agriculturist were patent to all, his stock and crops always open to inspection, and his assets difficult to remove surreptitiously.

This article traces the history and the status of apprenticeship associations in London, England as of July 1912. At present there are twenty apprenticeship and skilled employment committees in London, and all of then are affiliated with the Central Apprenticeship Association. The lack of pecuniary support and apparent want of public interest in the work of apprenticeship associations has not doubt been partly due to the establishment of the Board of Trade Labour Exchanges, to each of which is attached a Juvenile Advisory Committee dealing with boy and girl labor. The first reason for the existence of apprenticeship associations is emphasized rather than diminished by the work of the Juvenile Committees of the Labour Exchanges. It is established even more clearly than before that the system of apprenticeship is not a worn-out custom, but there exists in the more skilled trades in London today a strong feeling in their favor and a distinct demand for apprentices on the part of employers. Among the less skilled trades of the system of apprenticeship has without doubts ceased to exist, but among the more skilled employment, which are every year increasing in number, the demand for apprenticeship shows no sign of abating.

This article provides information on the Children's Care Committees in London, England, in 1909. Since the Education (Provision of Meals) Act of 1906 came into force, these Committees have been appointed by the managers in schools believed to be necessitous and have consisted of one or more managers, and three head teachers and co-opted member experienced in social work. The Act aims at securing, for every child unable by reason of food to take full advantage of the education provided, a meal or meals at school. Comparatively few of the existing Committees so far have risen to their opportunities but enough have done so to show that the work may be where the school meals are so used as to be merely part of a wider treatment and the definite aim in every case is the restoration or creation of a healthy home. The great advantage of this way of administering the Act is that it forces upon the attention of social workers every neglected child school age and gives the opportunity for an attempt at bettering its condition.