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This paper argues that the analysis of culture and mass communication should be regarded as central concerns of sociology and social theory. It develops a framework for the analysis of culture and shows how this framework can be applied to the study of mass communication. Focusing on the medium of television, the paper highlights some of the distinctive characteristics of mass communication and examines some of the factors involved in the production, construction and reception of media messages. It is argued that this approach enables the analyst to pose questions concerning the ideological character of mass communication in a new and more fruitful way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper which follows takes the form of a dialogue between a sociological voice and an unidentified, questioning voice. The two voices explore some of the tasks involved in, and difficulties generated by, the attempt to apply social science to practical issues. The discussion focuses on the area of health economics and, particularly, on recent efforts to provide measures of the quality of life that can be used to solve administrative problems within the NHS. Beginning from close examination of a particular text, the sociological voice claims to reveal some of the background assumptions of health economics as a social practice and to identify some of the ways in which the production and application of economic knowledge are socially contingent. The sociological voice also contrasts the textual form of the present paper with the 'scientific' format normally employed by economists and most other applied social scientists. S/he may be read as asserting that the dialogic character of the present text is in some way more suited to a more collaborative use of social science expertise in the realm of practical action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how immigrants' proficiency in speaking English, and preference for retaining their native tongue as the language of the home, affect their occupational attainment in the Australian labour market. In particular, it investigates how well three approaches - an assimilationist approach, a Neo-Marxist approach, and an ethnic enclaves approach - account for differences among groups in how important language usage and skill are in occupational mobility. The data are drawn from the 1981 Census public use sample. The findings show that monolingual English usage is of no benefit in the labour market and that weak English skills harm the occupational opportunities of some groups much more than others, a finding that is fully consistent with the ethnic enclaves approach. Generalising from the differences among Australian immigrant groups, the paper provides some hypotheses about language effects among immigrants to industrialised societies more generally, and develops some hypotheses about conditions fostering development of ethnic enclaves in such societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Pinch and Clark's recent article on the strategies of market pitchers for managing local economic reasoning. We suggest that their research is illustrative of the lack of seriousness and relevance to social issues of a small proportion of sociological studies. In developing this argument, the paper considers the methodology, ethical issues and substantive content of the article. We conclude by noting that, whilst the study of the work of market pitchers is clearly an important research topic, such study should have regard to local social and economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a reanalysis of the British, French and Swedish mobility data first presented by Erikson et al. (1979). A descriptive model is specified and used to identify precisely where the differences in the relative openness of the three societies are located. In doing this the paper seeks both to synthesize previous findings and to extend our knowledge of the mobility processes at work in the three societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a brief examination of neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian arguments it is demonstrated that the class nature of the new middle class has yet to be established. The paper goes on to show that as well as differences arising out of material conditions (i.e. class differences), inequalities based on expectations of entitlement or norms are also significant in capitalist society. Weber's treatment of status has not encouraged an adequate understanding of the concept, and an alternative is outlined. The paper then argues that the differences between the so-called new middle class and the working class are reasonably understood on a number of criteria as differences between status groups which form part of a single class. Not only does this approach remove a number of difficulties from accounts of the salariat, it also helps explain the different political alignments of social collectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parkin has developed a unified conceptual framework which integrates the analysis of class divisions with the analysis of communal divisions, arguing that all of these divisions are based on processes of social closure which are of the same generic kind. Within his closure model he proposes a non-structuralist collective action conception of class. This paper examines critically the conception of class of Parkin and of the Marxist structuralists he was reacting against when he developed his conception. It demon strates that the deficiencies of Parkin's conception are the result of that reaction: he has thrown out essential conceptual tools with the bathwater. Thus the paper shows that he falls into the same difficulties as E.P. Thompson in the latter's anti-structuralist position within Marxism. The paper then suggests an alternative for closure theory to Parkin's conception of class and class action and to his way of dealing with the connection between exclusionary practices faced and collective usurpationary action engaged in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives an overview of developments in the area of role theory which took place in West Germany between 1958 and 1980. We differentiate three periods. The first is characterized by a discussion of Dahrendorfs Homo Sociologicus, of which we highlight only the essentials. This discussion took place in the early `60s. For the second period, in the late '60s - early 70s, the role theory discussion went into a different phase as a result of the so-called `positivism debate' in German sociology. The various points of view explored in this discussion seem to have converged since the mid '70s; the contours of an integrated role theory are becoming apparent. The paper closes with an overview of both positive and negative sides of the developments outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for an institutional approach to state analyses. It notes that in general the Marxist literature on the state has paid little attention to the different types of state administration (departments, statutory authorities), and the effect of administrative forms on the ability of state agencies to conduct activities, or engage in struggles within the state. By contrast, there is an extensive and insightful body of writings to be found in traditional administrative literature on different forms of administration. This literature remains conservative in orientation and rarely directs itself to the broader concerns of theories of the state. This paper attempts to bring these two bodies of writings together by focusing on 'quasi- government' bodies such as statutory authorities. It is argued that these administrative forms raise in an acute form the Marxist concerns with struggles, conflicts and allegiances within the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The incorporation of the workplace leadership has been a recurrent theme in recent writings on British trade unionism. Several surveys have revealed the emergence, since the 1960s, of more full-time representatives and more elaborate hierarchies on the shop floor, amounting to a `bureaucratisation' of the workplace union organisation. The newly established tier of senior shop stewards, it is said, have become distant from the shop floor workers and their concerns, and have been drawn closer to management and national union officials. The paper explores this proposition by reference to an empirical study of local trade unionism in the coal industry. The organisation of workplace representatives in coal mining exhibits many of the trends which are said to be associated with the incorporation of the shop floor. Detailed examination of local NUM branch officials' relationship with managers. their members and full-time union officers in a sample of 35 collieries, however, revealed that the workplace leadership do not behave as the theory predicts. There was no evidence that they act against their members' interests and pursue, instead, those of management or their national union leaders. The paper ends by questioning the assumptions on which the theory of incorporation is based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the understanding of managerial control over work, the labour process literature has been very influential. Recent critical contributions from the sociological tradition have, however, served to so fragment the underlying perspective that its coherence is now threatened. This paper seeks to demonstrate how a dialectical analysis can lay the basis for a viable amended approach. The need for a dialectical framework has often been urged illustrations of such a perspective in operation, however, are rare. Using a series of examples, this paper argues that the dialectic of work control can be revealed by focussing on two phenomena: the 'levels' and `circuits' of control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates that, although exploitation is central to Marx Ian theory, the Marxian conception of exploitation has serious limitations. The paper shows that the appropriation of productive Labour is best viewed as only one of the possible consequences of the more general process of exclusion in the Weberian sense. It argues that Weberian closure theory begins with a broader conception, exclusion, which captures the common and essential feature of forms of domination which on the surface appear quite different, and it demonstrates that closure theory provides the basis for the development of a power theory of prices and profits as an alternative to the restricted Marxian conception of exploitation and associated labour theory of value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues against the dominant tendency in social theory to speak of "the state" It distinguishes two types of state: the capstone state sitting on top of societies, blocking alternative sources of power, and the organic state allowing and encouraging the co-operation of different power sources, which is held to be characteristic of European development. The main argument of the paper is that the latter type of polity was a necessary feature in the complex that allowed the endogenous creation of a broadly capitalist dynamic in the Occident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of working class or subordinate consciousness and its relation to the dominant value system has been a central component of the research into actors' 'images of society'. This paper offers an empirical contribution to this topic via an examination of the conceptions of the economic system held by samples of Australian managers and shop stewards. Previous research has suggested that the consciousness of members of subordinate groups is inconsistent or contradictory in that lower class actors provide a mixture of support for and rejection of dominant values. The evidence reviewed here lends support to this finding but by focusing more closely upon the categories, vocabularies and frameworks which make up the actors' images of the economy, the paper attempts to offer a more satisfactory explanation of how such inconsistencies can appear, one which highlights the role of language as a mechanism in ideological incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the author's remarks on review of his paper "Women and Class Analysis: In Defence of the Conventional View." The chief concern of this paper was with the way in which the position of married women has been treated by exponents of class analysis. More specifically, the author aimed to show that their approach was a more considered one than critics had recognized and that charges of intellectual sexism were unwarranted. According to him, class analysis aims first to establish how far classes have formed as relatively stable collectivities. From the standpoint of class analysis, how far variation in any particular aspect of social behavior or relationships, within the population at large, can actually be accounted for in terms of class membership is entirely a matter for investigation as the author says, it has never been supposed by class analysts that the variable of class membership itself can provide the basis for any complete mapping of socio-cultural patterns. He shows that exponents of class analysis could accept differences attributable to the employment of married women of the kind referred to by critics without being thereby required to depart from the conventional view that the class position of the family is a unitary one which derives from that of its head.

This article critically appraises the book "Drug Use and Misuse: Cultural Perspectives," edited by Griffith Edwards, Awni Arif and Jerome Jaffe. The question of how to articulate 'cultural perspectives' emerges on the first page of the first paper, by Taha Baasher. Here an account of the emergence of prohibition of alcohol during the rise of Islam is given in terms of perceptions of alcohol `as a disruptive social evil', and of 'alcoholism'. In this manner concepts drawn from English and American temperance and prohibition movements and their subsequent codification in scientific terms are projected back fourteen centuries onto a 'pagan' society. The method of banning alcohol is also described in terms of 'a step by step method appealed to human intelligence, rational thinking and demonstration by example. The last ten papers in the book are grouped under the general heading of `prevention' and, of these, Robin Room's and Virginia Berridge are of most interest. Room's rather untidy article on Papua New Guinea concludes that 'rises in the overall consumption are not cost- free', although he 'would really rather be able to disbelieve' this .

This paper reports on a successful experiment in the use of the telephone to screen a large urban population in order to identify a relatively small sub-sample. The problem at hand was the identification of a sample of wives of men working in the offshore oil industry. Alternative ways of identifying such a sample are discussed and reasons are given for the decision to use the telephone. The form of random digit dialling used in the study is described and the results of a pilot and the main screening exercise are presented in some detail. The final section of the paper takes a broader view of telephone interviewing. Data are presented on telephone coverage in the U.K., and the advantages and disadvantages of the telephone are assessed in relation to other data collection methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How people refer and how they infer are key empirical questions for the sociology of knowledge. In the present paper, I suggest that in the course of social interaction much referring activity is self-referring, and much inference self-validating. This occurs to the extent that our inductive inferences become permeated with feedback-loops or `bootstraps': I offer a simple general form of representation to assist in thinking about bootstrapped induction. In the second half of the paper I indicate some of the interesting consequences of the existence of bootstrapped induction: I cite the self-fulfilling prophesy as a special case where the induction is destructive, but emphasize the role of bootstrapped induction in constituting stable institutional forms. Finally I raise the question as to how far the bootstraps can be eliminated from patterns of inference: I suggest that this problem might be best attacked by sociologists of natural science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over recent years a series of 'ankles has appeared, the aim of which has been to demonstrate an unjustifiable neglect of women in social stratification theory and research and, in turn, to level charges of 'intellectual sexism' against sociologists active in this area. The central concern of the present paper is to address certain of the major substantive issues which are raised in this literature, and to argue that they have not so far been adequately treated from either a theoretical or an empirical standpoint. In Pan I of the paper, an attempt is made to distinguish between two lines of theoretical argument on the position of the family within the system of social stratification which, in recent critiques, appear to have been unduly confined. These are the arguments of (i) structural-functionalists of mainly American provenance, and (ii) mainly European exponents of class analysis. In Pan II, empirical data are then presented, by reference to which the stance adopted by the latter can be illuminated and, moreover, substantially supported. In Pan III, an attempt is made to show, on the basis of the foregoing, that certain conceptual and methodological developments that have been proposed in order to adapt class analysis to the increased labour market participation of women, and especially of married women, entail serious difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the extent to which characteristics of the organic model of organization are correlated with innovation rates in a sample of 110 American factories. The more organic rather than mechanical the socio-technical structure of the organization, the higher the innovation rate. However, the organic design rules work best in a small-scale, high technology niche. This result transcends Burns and Stalker by suggesting that there is more than one best way to organize for innovation. Some of the problems of organizing for innovation in large-scale, high technology environments are explored at the conclusion of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demands presented by Trade Unions for Industrial Democracy remain, despite the lack of success in their realization, an important departure from the traditional bargaining objectives they have pursued in the post-war period. The significance of these demands lie in the fact that they explicitly focus on issues of control, particularly with regard to areas of strategic corporate decision making previously excluded from Trade Union influence. The main purpose of the paper is to consider how far the pursuit of these demands is capable of realizing any significant transfer of control to workers over the enterprises they work in. In doing so the paper considers definitions of industrial democracy, competing formulations offered by those concerned with exploring the functional contribution Industrial Democracy can make to Management purposes, and the objectives Trade Unions seek to achieve through industrial democracy. It is argued that the form of Industrial Democracy through which Trade Unions seek to secure their objectives is of key importance. Two main alternatives, that of worker directors and extending collective bargaining are considered in some detail, and the paper concludes that extending collective bargaining is likely to be more advantageous to Trade Unions both in terms of improving their bargaining power against management, and in their attempts to secure Industrial Democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Braverman and his followers have been useful and influential in reviving a sociology of work. However as well as stimulating debate, the Braverman model has also created impediments to further analysis. This paper discusses some of these limitations and argues that, in part, they result from a particular reading of Marx which neglects crucial Marxian categories. In part, they result from weaknesses and ambiguities in Marxian theory. The second part of the paper focuses on the concept of control, and makes a plea for a revival of interest in the pre-Braverrnan sociology of the workplace. It is suggested that such work conjoined with that of recent theorists provides a more adequate basis for theory of capitalist labour processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article present authors' reply against criticism of their studies concerning the persistent evasion of technical problems in media studies. A substantial part of the paper was given over to the re-analysis of the critics' data. The remainder of the paper involved general critical comments on "media studies" using one or two cases as occasions for a wholesale attack. Media studies is a big and burgeoning field. The thing critics' needs to do is to single out those which are exemplary, canonical, which are not fairly easily accessible to serious methodological criticism. The article author complain, that "form" has been neglected in media studies. Critics accepts their point, but suggests that recent studies may meet the authors objection. There are a lot of media studies, that does not stand disputing, but it is worth asking whether they add up to anything. They are very repetitive, being mainly designed to give some empirical application to more or less dilute versions of the theory of ideology.

In the first section of this paper 1 note a parallel between certain problems generated by Steven Lukes's `three-dimensional' view of power, and what I call the `paradox of emancipation' in certain traditions of Marxist thought. Lukes's critique of what he calls the one and two-dimensional views of power is next reviewed, and Lukes's own `three-dimensional' view subjected to analysis and criticism. Lukes's definition of power in terms of interests is identified as a major source of difficulty, and three distinct ways of constructing a distinction between `real' interests and subjective' interests, or preferences are identified in Lukes's work. In the fourth section of the paper I present an alternative conception, or `view' of power which, I argue, sustains the essential features of Lukes's critique of the one- and two-dimensional views, but which, by severing the definitional tie between power and interests, avoids the value dependence of Lukes's own view of power. Finally, I make explicit a view of interests which runs counter to that which, I hold, Lukes, Connolly, a at have in common with more orthodox political scientists. I go on to indicate the place of this concept in the formation and re-formation of personal and social identities, and briefly indicate its bearing on what I earlier called the paradox of emancipation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Earlier work (Hope, 1974, 1975a) demonstrated 'no change' in social mobility between the Glass inquiry of 1949 and the Oxford inquiry of 1972. However the mobility investigated was that known as exchange mobility (other synonyms being pure, perfect, fluidity and circulation mobility), which is defined as departure of observed mobility from perfect mobility. When the man in the street speaks of mobility he usually means something much more specific, namely mobility up or down a vertical hierarchy. The present paper investigates the meaning of perfect mobility by disaggregating the model for it into discrete, additive components, and it shows how the vertical dimension may be represented in a mobility analysis by just one of the many degrees of freedom which are associated with exchange mobility. Implications for comparative analysis, and also for investigation of the relations between vertical and class mobility, are discussed. The theoretical developments of this paper stem from the apparently novel observation that the `additive model' of status inconsistency analysis is formally identical with the `perfect mobility' model of social mobility analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based upon observational and other data, this paper reports a study of 'decisions' and 'decision making' designed to describe the constituent activities of these notions in the context of the Scottish Children's Hearings. The starting point of the paper is a line of criticism which has cast doubt on the traditional use of many of the most central concepts of organizational analysis based, as they have been, upon a predominantly rational mode of organizational life. Rather than taking the central features of decision making for granted this paper reports the type of social activity which in practice in hearings is included by those present within the rubric of decision making, and the ways in which purposeful and meaningful activity is maintained in the light of problems that panel members face. Decision making is described as a flexible endeavour which is framed to manage uncertainty, to control the situation and to attain consensus. Original data are presented from fieldnotes on directly observed hearings. It is argued that this kind of study is a useful precursor to research which seeks to discover the causes and correlates of the `decisions' of those hearings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concern of this paper is to locate certain troubles and contradictions within Lucien Goldinann's avowedly sociological programme for the investigation of culture. It will be seen that these turn, generally, upon Goldmann's insistence on maintaining a central methodological position for the category of the subject and, more particularly, upon his conception of the subject as individual (rather than collective) subject. Part of these methodological troubles is seen to be connected with Goldmann's use of a metaphor connecting Piaget's individual/environment distinction with the distinction between social groups and history. To this degree, the paper is generally concerned with the severance of sociological studies of culture from psychologistic and belletrist preoccupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the class position of 156 Birmingham first-line supervisors, and how the supervisors perceive that position. ft concludes that they occupy a class position which is only marginally superior to that of manual workers. In their perceptions, however, they range from ascribing a middle class position for themselves to a working class one. These perceptions are assessed in terms of six indicators. The less that supervisors see their role and standing in the firm falling short of what they believe to be appropriate, and the closer they identify themselves with senior management, the higher tends to be the class position they see themselves occupying. It would be an oversimplification, the paper suggests, to conclude that the supervisors studied belong in a straightforward manner either to a proletarianized middle class or to a working class group which has adopted middle class characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents comments on social scientist Rosemary Crompton's paper on class situation and unionization in the white collar sector. In her paper Crompton argued for an analysis of white collar unionization which included explanatory reference to the class situation of white collar workers and couched this reference in terms of production, rather than distributive, relations. Notwithstanding the unresolved conceptual difficulties of a production relations based approach, its theoretical pay-off in explaining white collar unionism is, in principle, to locate a new structural ambiguity underlying the ambiguities of the white collar worker's market and work situations and hence to generate an additional account for the ambiguities and fragmentation of white collar workers' responses to collective organization. Thus analysed, this structural ambiguity in the white collar class situation can now be made to do theoretical work in explaining white collar unionization. Crompton's initial intimations of its empirical consequences tended to be both over-simplified and implausible.

This second and concluding pan of the paper deals with a third problem area; the relationship between values and explanation. It is discussed by examining Myrdal's distinctions between valuations and value premises and between theoretical and practical research; Stretton's conception of the role of the `valuing skill' in all kinds of socio- historical research; and Maclntyre's arguments concerning categories and accounts that combine either evaluation and description or evaluation and explanation. Like the first part of the paper, it is illustrated by studies in the history and sociology of revolutions. Again, the main aim is methodological clarification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two consecutive issues of Sociology an analysis is offered of the relationship between values and analysis. By analysis is meant three fundamental stages and characteristics of socio-historical research, viz., identification, description and explanation. In examining these analytical stages and characteristics different expressions for the dimensions of values are elucidated and the various possibilities for the intrusion of values are discussed. The first part of the paper focuses upon the relationship between values and identification and description; the next is concerned with the relationship between values and explanation. Throughout the paper the relationship between values and the three analytical stages and characteristics is illustrated by reference to studies in the history and sociology of socio-political revolutions. This paper cannot claim to be an exhaustive analysis but it does seek to clarify the relationship between values and analysis and, in so doing, to provide some insight into the study of revolution. The latter is, however, a by-product of the analysis. The main aim is to provide methodological clarification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the clinical perspective on mental handicap which under- pins most research and professional practice in the field does not help us to explain or understand how mentally handicapped people are valued and treated in their day-to-day dealings with others. Using material gathered in interviews with the parents of mentally handicapped children, the paper plots the unfolding of the idea of subnormality and traces the gradual transition in the child's status as he drifts from normal baby to handicapped infant. It shows how subnormality emerges as a social state, which can be defined in terms of the qualities and capacities which are ascribed to or withheld from mentally handicapped people. In this sense, it is suggested that the social roles allocated to mentally handicapped people are created and shaped from the social meanings imputed to the diagnosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports findings of research into the organizational structure of ordinary conversation. Substantively, the paper is preoccupied with building rigorous descriptions of transcribed conversational materials; a technical appreciation of the action sequences organizing chunks of talk into meaningful interactional units is developed as increasingly non-intuitive observations detail the systematic expansions of three turn action sequences into four, five, and six turn action sequences. Methodologically, the paper is built as a series of progressively more formal characterizations of the interaction captured in the transcript; an analytic appreciation of a research mentality committed to close scrutiny of actually occurring instances of conversation emerges as successive phenomenal layers receive attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews general aspects of the theory and practice of the sociology of culture. It considers the contributions of mainline sociology, in the analysis of effects, institutions and formations, and relates the emphasis on effects, the selectively smaller emphasis on institutions and the relative neglect of formations to theoretical and methodological assumptions in orthodox sociology. It then considers contributions to the sociology of culture from other disciplines, in the study of traditions and of forms, and in attempts (Lukacs, Goldman, the Frankfurt School) to relate forms to formations. In this connection it reviews selections between orthodox cultural sociology and the theories and practices of formalism and structuralism. Finally, the paper proposes an approach based on recognition of 'the materiality of signs' and the consequent recognition of cultural technologies--'sign-systems'--as forms of historical and social relationship and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at some available members' methods for dealing with perceptual accounts that occasion non-acceptance on the part of accounterecipients. Perceptual-account producers and recipients include former mental patients, mental welfare officers, 'flying-saucer' witnesses and investigators of such sightings. The paper constitutes an ethnomethodological discussion of the management of communicative and cognitive order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a critical note on radical values and radical action. This critical note is a response to a paper which should be regarded as an important contribution to the debate about the nature and degree of relative disaffection of the working class from the existing socio-economic formation. The position expressed in the paper attempt to support with data from a survey of council house tenants, some of whom were on rent strike, is that previous researchers have underestimated the proportion of workers who hold radical values. Moreover, it is maintained that the main source of radical ideas is the position of workers as workers in capitalist society. The author doesn't want to question this view as such, although he wants to comment upon a corollary of the thesis, that the future potential for working class radical action doesn't depend upon the intervention of the Labour Party. This is a particularly important issue in the light of the author's evident concern with the possibility of sporadic working class militancy developing into 'class based radical action.

The paper examines the school background of leaders in eight occupational groups: the civil service, foreign service, judiciary, Royal Navy, army, Royal Air Force, Church of England, and clearing banks. These elite groups were studied at four time intervals: 1939, 1950, 1960, and 1971. With the exception of the civil service, no significant change was discernible in the proportion of men who had attended public school. The paper also examines the university background of leaden in five of the groups: the civil service, foreign service, judiciary, Church of England, and clearing banks. Except for the Church of England, no significant change was recorded in the proportion of men who had attended Oxbridge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the notoriously disordered and contradictory nature of Pareto's last and greatest work, the Trattato, is largely attributable to the place he was cast in the development of European social thought. Pareto set out to construct a rationalist-positivist model in the tradition of Bentham and Comte. But his acquaintanceship with a rising intellectual tradition, generally associated with the name of Nietzsche, confronted him with psychological and individualist themes which both revealed how little human action is governed by reason, and put in question the hypothetico-deductive model of Western science and its belief in objective truth. Pareto's resulting intellectual uprootedness translated itself into his last work. This work gained the virtue of presenting an original perspective on social behaviour, but suffered at the same time from not finding a methodology appropriate to its new interests. This paper also aims to show the centrality of Nietzsche's influence on Pareto, an influence almost completely neglected in the secondary literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is usually presumed that the function of education is that of selection and that this is the most important conception of education of which sociologists should be aware. This paper presents historical and comparative material from two contrasting societies-Graeco-Roman Antiquity and West Africa in the late Middle Ages-which shows that the selective function was relatively unimportant. The paper concludes by suggesting that educational conceptions take a variety of forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is concerned with curriculum decision making in the school and the attempts to apply a sociological analysis to this important area. Its focus is on the 'micro' rather than on the 'macro' decision making process, i.e. within the school rather than within the educational system, though the significance of macro decisions is recognized throughout the paper. Commencing with a discussion of the role that may be played by the study of decision making in curriculum content and method, the paper goes on to suggest some of the orientations that influence such decisions. Six such areas are identified. In the light of these areas four ideological variables are hypothesized. These are finally brought together as components of a model of the autonomy and interrelationship of educational personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines available theoretical models which have been derived front statistically established patterns of association between contextual and organizational variables. These models offer an interpretation of organizational structure as a product of organizational structure as a product of primarily economic constraints which contextual variable are impose. It is argued that available models in fact attempt to explain organization at one remove by ignoring the essentially political process, whereby power-holders within organizations decide upon courses of strategic action. This `strategic choice' typically includes not only the establishment of structural forms but also the manipulation of environmental features and the choice of relevant performance standards. A theoretical re-orientation this kind away from functional imperatives and towards' a recognition of political action is developed and illustrated in the man body of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assumption underlying most philosophical theories of science, that one can apply to any scientific theory the concept of 'truth', is, with its implication of absolute finality, a hangover from the period when Newtonian physics was regarded as an absolute end state. The hidden mourning about the passing of this ideal science gives present philosophical approaches to science and scientific method their common stamp. The alternative seems to be the retreat into a sociological relativism. The paper shows that it is possible to work out a science-theoretical paradigm which avoids the pitfalls of both philosophical absolutism and sociological relativism. It suggests that instead of discussing criteria of a fictitious absolute end-state of knowledge, one might try to discover criteria and conditions for the advance of knowledge, non-scientific and scientific. A theory of this kind has the added advantage that it can be tested by, and can serve as a guide for, empirical studies of sciences and of knowledge generally. The paper also suggests that discussions about 'value-freedom' should be abandoned in favour of enquiries into the use of scientific and non-scientific values in scientific work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first purpose of this paper is to indicate the circumstances in which path coefficients may be accepted as adequate guides to the relative importance of anterior (causal) variables in a path analysis. It is shown that weights in a regression equation may be regarded as indicators of importance, in the sense of determinants of proportions of variance, if the (projection of the) variate defined by the equation coincides with a principal component of the anterior variables. The second purpose of the paper is to illustrate the usefulness of employing generalized multiple regression (analysis by canonical correlations) as an aid in the interpretation of a path diagram. The discussion is illustrated by reference to the path analysis which appears in `Ability and Achievement' by Professor 0. Dudley Duncan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main object of this paper is to separate several strands in the relationship between the works of Marx and Max Weber. Max Weber has rightly been regarded as Marx's most profound intellectual critic. But there has been much confusion in subsequent literature over the nature and validity of Weber's critique of Marx. This perhaps stems, in part at least, from a failure to distinguish a number of different, although interrelated, themes in Weber's writings. Weber wrote not simply as a critic of Marx, but also in response to the writings and political involvements of the prominent Marxists of his day. Three partially separable aspects of Weber's views thus may be isolated: (a) His attitude towards Marxism in the shape of the main Marxist political agency in Germany, the Social Democratic Party. (b) His views upon the academic contributions of Marxist authors to history and sociology. (c) His views upon what he considered to be Man's own original ideas. These three aspects of Weber's thought may in turn be distinguished from the analytic problem of how far Weber's own understanding of Marx's theory of historical materialism was in fact a valid one. Some of Marx's posthumously published writings, unavailable to Weber, allow us to form a clear judgement on this question. The historical changes in the social and political structure of Germany from the middle to the latter part of the nineteenth century form an essential background to the whole of the paper: Weber's attitudes toward Marx and Marxism cannot be understood out of this context. Weber's work was written not solely in response to a wraith-like "ghost of Marx", but also in response to a force--Marxism--which played a vital political and intellectual role in Imperial Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the community situation of shipyard workers on Tyneside, certain aspects of their orientations to work and general social perspectives, and the relationship of these to each other and to the structure of social relations at work. In terms of their community situation shipyard workers would seem to come close to Lockwood's traditional proletarian type of worker. There is evidence to suggest, however, that these workers' social perspectives are not at all clearly traditional proletarian. The explanation for this is found, at least m part, m the much greater complexity of social relations at work than are accounted for in the model of traditional proletarianism. The paper suggests that existing typologies of the orientations and social perspectives of workers need to be refined by more detailed studies of the structural and relational aspects of both work and community situations. The paper concludes with a brief examination of changes in both industry and community and the likely effect of these on the social perspectives of shipbuilding workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as a contribution to the formal theory of stratification systems. The paper has five sections. In Section I, a method for analytically inducing an order over a multi-dimensional status is discussed. It is believed that such a technique can aid in the specification of conceptual tasks within stratification theory, as well as serve as a baseline in actual measurements. It is subsequently employed in the axiomatic work of Sections 3 and 4. In Section 2, there is a brief discussion of the axiomatic method as a prelude to the system developed in the following two sections. In Section 3, the axioms are stated. In Section 4, various elementary consequences of the axioms are shown; most importantly, various concepts which are intuitively important in stratification theory are shown to be definable (e.g., a class system with a determinate number of classes). Finally, in Section s, there is a concluding discussion of the picture of stratification which emerges within this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IN A RECENT paper Mr. Runciman concludes by inviting replies to his argument that it is logically and conceptually useful to employ the tripartite distinction between `class' `status' and `power' in the analysis of social stratification. Mr. Runciman does not, of course, deny the existence of links between these three dimensions, but suggests that such links must be seen contingent empirical relationships and not necessary logical ones. I hope that the following paper will provide such a reply. It must be clear that the following criticism is directed, in the main, to those parts of the paper in which Mr. Runciman is concerned with the logical and conceptual problem. The essay in question also contains a clear and valuable assessment of the problems encountered in any attempt to measure the three types of inequality. In the first part of the paper I propose to give a critical assessment of certain central aspects of Mr. Runciman's argument and, in the second part, I will put forward a very brief formulation of what I consider to be a more meaningful alternative view of the relationships between class, status, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the manner in which ethnicity has affected the course of American and Canadian party politics. Specifically, the paper tries to demonstrate that although the social processes involved in the migration of large numbers of ethnics have been relatively similar in both societies, the manner in which the social reality of ethnicity has affected the political structures therein has been quite different. Thus, although successive immigrant groups became the chief political resource of the great American urban party machines, they were able to use the existing political structures for their own purposes. Ethnic groups have derived psychological and more tangible benefits, such as public and party office positions, and have strongly affected the foreign and domestic policy positions of the two major parties. In contrast, Canadian party leaden historically have been able to exploit ethnic cleavages, but rarely have had to play the game of ethnic politics in the maimer of their American counterparts. In fact, ethnicity continues to strongly affect American political structures even as it moves into the realm of an index of more important social facts, while Canadian political structures have remained relatively impervious to ethnic groups despite the fact that ethnicity continues to be a factor of major importance in Canadian social organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A previous paper (Hinings et al. 1967) described an approach to the study of the structure of bureaucratic organizations based on the creation of scaleable dimensions for multivariate analysis. The present paper considers in detail the process of the scaling of an organizational variable and the use of two multidimensional analyses, namely, factor analysis and multiple regression analysis. These are illustrated by analysis of the operationally defined concept of functional specialization. The central points made are: (i) that any data analysis is a function of a theory of organizational behaviour, an error theory, and a computing algorithm; and (ii) that the choice of a method of analysis necessarily implies a choice of a theory of organizational behaviour. In the case of scaling, Guttiman's scalogram method and item analysis, borrowed from psychological test theory, are compared. They are found to differ more in computing technique and in their representation of error than in their measurement theory. It is pointed out that the multivariate analyses employed are both compensatory theories of organizational behaviour; the implications of this are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two main definitions of democracy have been used in the analysis of union politics; either as leadership responsiveness to membership opinion, or as the institutionalization of opposition. This paper rejects both definitions, instead defining democracy as the survival of faction. The survival of faction is explained by the pressures which prevent union Executives from destroying it. These pressures fall into twelve categories: political culture; government attitudes and behaviour; membership distribution; industrial setting; economic environment; technology; source of union bargaining power; membership characteristics; membership beliefs; opposition expertise and resources; leadership beliefs; and union structure. The contrasting political histories of the A.E.U. and the N.U.R. are explained by contrasting patterns of constraints. The paper concludes with a formal statement of the characteristics associated with union democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]