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The paper examines the school background of leaders in eight occupational groups: the civil service, foreign service, judiciary, Royal Navy, army, Royal Air Force, Church of England, and clearing banks. These elite groups were studied at four time intervals: 1939, 1950, 1960, and 1971. With the exception of the civil service, no significant change was discernible in the proportion of men who had attended public school. The paper also examine the university background of leaders in five of the. groups: the civil service, foreign service, judiciary, Church of England, and clearing banks. Except for the Church of England, no significant change was recorded in the proportion of men who had attended Oxbridge.

It is usually presumed that the function of education is that of selection and that this is the most important conception of education of which sociologists should be aware. This paper presents historical and comparative material from two contrasting societies—Graeco-Roman Antiquity and West Africa in the late Middle Ages—which shows that the selective function was relatively unimportant. The paper concludes by suggesting that educational conceptions take a variety of forms.

In his attack on my investigations of the method of path analysis Mr. Allan* commits a number of errors of logic which invalidate his criticisms. However, before describing these errors I wish to comment briefly on some of his more general observations. He says (note 7) 'It is as well to remember what we are doing when we examine a path analysis: we are trying to find "reverse-operationalizations", i.e. what haue we really measured Allan may indeed undertake his path analyses in a condition of ignorance of the variables which he employs but O. D. Duncan typically does not, and neither do I. Not a little effort is being devoted to studies of the nature and reliability of variables which I hope to employ in path (and other) analyses. For example, in the sociological field I am currently engaged in a test-retest study of the key variables employed in the Oxford Social Mobility enquiry. And a considerable amount of theoretical and empirical work has been done on the shared meanings of informants in occupation grading enquiries (see especially Appendix A of Goldthorpe and Hope, 1974)Path analysis can, of course, be employed as a variant of factor analysis in the conceptual analysis of a variable (Heise, 1969) and in the analysis of hypothesized unobserved variables (Hauser and Goldberger, 1971; see also its recommended employment in association with canonical analysis in Hope, 1971, pp. 235fr) but its usefulness in substantive sociological enquiry depends on the prior interpretability of the participating variables. It would be tedious to attempt to illuminate the obscurities of Allan's general thesis in any detail. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that his key concept, 'simplicity', has been the subject of much complex discussion by philosophers of science (see, for example, chapter 7 of Popper's Logic of scientific discovery) and cannot be advanced as a criterion for selection among theories as if its meaning were self-evident and beyond dispute. It is by no means clear, for example, why, starting from a neo-Marxist position (note 7) Allan should endorse a functionalist interpretation of the relations between income and occupational prestige (p. 9), and should suppose that he can infer from this which variables are adventitious, and which are essential, to his simple model. When we turn to Allan's detailed criticisms of my paper, which are presented on pages 198-201 of his article, we find that neither the arguments nor the conclusions are at all clearly expressed a circumstance which can lead only to confusion in this difficult field. His first point is that two passages which he quotes from my paper (p. 199) are contradictory. The first passage states a proposition having the logical form if a then q , that is if the independent variables are uncorrelated ( a ) then path coefficients are unambiguously interpretable ( q ). The second passage contains a proposition having the form/? therefore q , that is because, in a particular case, the dependent variable is (almost) uniquely associated with a single principal component of the set of independent variables ( p ), therefore the path coefficients are interpretable ( q ). Allan presents a case (ia) which both he and I agree satisfies a and q and he infers that my two propositions are contradictory. The confusion here is almost total; if my two propositions are contradictory then no example is needed to establish this. Clearly, however, propositions with the logical form if a then q and p therefore q are not contradictory.1 What leads Allan to suppose that they are contradictory or otherwise defective? The clue is to be found in his example ia. He appears to believe that this

This paper argues that the notoriously disordered and contradictory nature of Pareto's last and greatest work, the Trattato, is largely attributable to the place he was cast in the development of European social thought. Pareto set out to construct a rationalist-positivist model in the tradition of Bentham and Comte. But his acquaintanceship with a rising intellectual tradition, generally associated with the name of Nietzsche, confronted him with psychological and individualist themes which both revealed how little human action is governed by reason, and put in question the hypothetico-deductive model of Western science and its belief in objective truth. Pareto's resulting intellectual uprootedness translated itself into his last work. This work gained the virtue of presenting an original perspective on social behaviour, but suffered at the same time from not finding a methodology appropriate to its new interests. This paper also aims to show the centrality of Nietzsche's influence on Pareto, an influence almost completely neglected in the secondary literature.

The paper develops systematically the theory of `structural' and `pure' measurement systems falling below the interval and ratio levels. Pure measurement, it is argued, concerns the properties of objects and structural measurement the relationships between objects. The exposition provides the ground-work for a forthcoming second paper on measurement and the structure of sociological theory.

The main object of this paper is to separate several strands in the relationship between the works of Marx and Max Weber. Max Weber has rightly been regarded as Marx's most profound intellectual critic. But there has been much confusion in subsequent literature over the nature and validity of Weber's critique of Marx. This perhaps stems, in part at least, from a failure to distinguish a number of different, although interrelated, themes in Weber's writings. Weber wrote not simply as a critic of Marx, but also in response to the writings and political involvements of the prominent Marxists of his day. Three partially separable aspects of Weber's views thus may be isolated: (a) His attitude towards Marxism in the shape of the main Marxist political agency in Germany, the Social Democratic Party. (b) His views upon the academic contributions of Marxist authors to history and sociology. (c) His views upon what he considered to be Marx's own original ideas. These three aspects of Weber's thought may in turn be distinguished from the analytic problem of how far Weber's own understanding of Marx's theory of historical materialism was in fact a valid one. Some of Marx's posthumously published writings, unavailable to Weber, allow us to form a clear judgement on this question. The historical changes in the social and political structure of Germany from the middle to the latter part of the nineteenth century form an essential background to the whole of the paper: Weber's attitudes toward Marx and Marxism cannot be understood out of this context. Weber's work was written not solely in response to a wraith-like "ghost of Marx", but also in response to a force—Marxism—which played a vital political and intellectual role in Imperial Germany.

This paper analyzes the manner in which ethnicity has affected the course of American and Canadian party politics. Specifically, the paper tries to demonstrate that although the social processes involved in the migration of large numbers of ethnics have been relatively similar in both societies, the manner in which the social reality of ethnicity has affected the political structures therein has been quite different. Thus, although successive immigrant groups became the chief political resource of the great American urban party machines, they were able to use the existing political structures for their own purposes. Ethnic groups have derived psychological and more tangible benefits, such as public and party office positions, and have strongly affected the foreign and domestic policy positions of the two major parties. In contrast, Canadian party leaders historically have been able to exploit ethnic cleavages, but rarely have had to play the game of ethnic politics in the manner of their American counterparts. In fact, ethnicity continues to strongly affect American political structures even as it moves into the realm of an index of more important social facts, while Canadian political structures have remained relatively impervious to ethnic groups despite the fact that ethnicity continues to be a factor of major importance in Canadian social organization.

This paper examines the community situation of shipyard workers on Tyneside, certain aspects of their orientations to work and general social perspectives, and the relationship of these to each other and to the structure of social relations at work. In terms of their community situation shipyard workers would seem to come close to Lockwood's traditional proletarian type of worker. There is evidence to suggest, however, that these workers' social perspectives are not at all clearly traditional proletarian. The explanation for this is found, at least in part, in the much greater complexity of social relations at work than are accounted for in the model of traditional proletarianism. The paper suggests that existing typologies of the orientations and social perspectives of workers need to be refined by more detailed studies of the structural and relational aspects of both work and community situations. The paper concludes with a brief examination of changes in both industry and community and the likely effect of these on the social perspectives of shipbuilding workers.

Two main definitions of democracy have been used in the analysis of union politics; either as leadership responsiveness to membership opinion, or as the institutionalization of opposition. This paper rejects both definitions, instead defining democracy as the survival of faction. The survival of faction is explained by the pressures which prevent union Executives from destroying it. These pressures fall into twelve categories: political culture; government attitudes and behaviour; membership distribution; industrial setting; economic environment; technology; source of union bargaining power; membership characteristics; membership beliefs; opposition expertise and resources; leadership beliefs; and union structure. The contrasting political histories of the A.E.U. and the N.U.R. are explained by contrasting patterns of constraints. The paper concludes with a formal statement of the characteristics associated with union democracy.

A previous paper (Hinings et al. 1967) described an approach to the study of the structure of bureaucratic organizations based on the creation of scaleable dimensions for multivariate analysis. The present paper considers in detail the process of the scaling of an organizational variable and the use of two multidimensional analyses, namely, factor analysis and multiple regression analysis. These are illustrated by analysis of the operationally defined concept of functional specialization. The central points made are: (i) that any data analysis is a function of a theory of organizational behaviour, an error theory, and a computing algorithm; and (ii) that the choice of a method of analysis necessarily implies a choice of a theory of organizational behaviour. In the case of scaling, Guttman's scalogram method and item analysis, borrowed from psychological test theory, are compared. They are found to differ more in computing technique and in their representation of error than in their measurement theory. It is pointed out that the multivariate analyses employed are both compensatory theories of organizational behaviour; the implications of this are discussed.

Working class parents' attitudes to their sons' education and future occupa- tions are examined to see if there are variations in line with the embourgeoisement thesis. Parents' aspirations for their sons are higher and their involvement in their sons' education stronger amongst those with a high expenditure on housing, the home and consumer durables, holding constant the 'middle classness' of their own backgrounds. Those with higher expenditure of this kind are also more likely to be socially isolated and home-centred in their leisure activities and to evidence greater overlapping of conjugal roles. The more socially isolated and home-centred parents have higher aspirations for their children and greater involvement in their children's education; the involvement of the father in his children's education appears to be particularly important. The more socially isolated, home-centred parents are also more likely to vote Conservative. The scholastic achievement of the child is the most influential determinant of parental aspirations. The evidence is that the above patterns are not the result of the middle-classness of the parents' home backgrounds, education or work histories. Two interpretations are considered: firstly that these middle class patterns of behaviour are the result of the influ- ence of middle class people, such as the boys' teachers; and secondly that they result from the advantageous effects upon the boys' scholastic achievement of the home environments to be found amongst home-centred families. The two explanations are not regarded as mutually exclusive. This paper reports a study of working class parents' aspirations for their children and their attitudes towards and involvement in their children's education. Its central concern is with those differences between working class families which have been the subject of the controversy surrounding the embourgeoisement thesis. The paper identifies a body of affluent, home-centred and socially isolated working class parents who have distinctive attitudes towards their children's education and future careers which are similar to those of middle class people. It is argued that these distinctive attitudes cannot be explained by the middle-classness of the parents' social backgrounds, their education or their previous work experience. The proponents of the embourgeoisement thesis have argued that important changes in working class life in the post-war years, have led to many working class people becoming in some sense middle class, and particular emphasis has been laid upon the influence of increases in affluence in bringing about these changes; special attention has been drawn to increases in income, and increases in expenditure on

This paper is intended as a contribution to the formal theory of stratification systems. The paper has five sections. In Section 1, a method for analytically inducing an order over a multi-dimensional status is discussed. It is believed that such a technique can aid in the specification of conceptual tasks within stratification theory, as well as serve as a baseline in actual measurements. It is subsequently employed in the axiomatic work of Sections 3 and 4. In Section 2, there is a brief discussion of the axiomatic method as a prelude to the system developed in the following two sections. In Section 3, the axioms are stated. In Section 4, various elementary consequences of the axioms are shown; most importantly, various concepts which are intuitively important in stratification theory are shown to be definable (e.g., a class system with a determinate number of classes). Finally, in Section 5, there is a concluding discussion of the picture of stratification which emerges within this work.

The first purpose of this paper is to indicate the circumstances in which path coefficients may be accepted as adequate guides to the relative importance of anterior (causal) variables in a path analysis. It is shown that weights in a regression equation may be regarded as indicators of importance, in the sense of determinants of proportions of variance, if the (projection of the) variate defined by the equation coincides with a principal component of the anterior variables. The second purpose of the paper is to illustrate the usefulness of employing generalized multiple regression (analysis by canonical correlations) as an aid in the interpretation of a path diagram. The discussion is illustrated by reference to the path analysis which appears in `Ability and Achievement' by Professor 0. Dudley Duncan.

This paper challenges the type of interpretation of the successful political incorporation of the British working class in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which stresses normative factors—'deference', craving for respectability, bourgeoisification, religious feelings etc. It corrects misleading statements in some of these accounts and uses historical evidence to stress the importance of objective, structural constraints on working class ability to mobilize on a class basis in the political system prior to 1918. Following this interpretation some points are made about the British political culture on theoretical grounds stemming from Durkheim.

The paper deals with the problem of how people handle random events. Many accounts of the chance element in games and many attempts at general explanations of gambling assume that the actor accepts the events as unpredictable and passively awaits the outcome. A study of people playing roulette in a gaming club suggests that this is far from the case. Playing roulette can be seen as an exercise in `skill' which depends upon the construction and maintenance of predictive theories. One form of theorizing attributes causal efficacy to the croupier and the game becomes a contest between croupier and player. This is reinforced by the croupiers as they attempt to manipulate their working conditions and status. Players may then adopt a non-arithmetic calculus of win and loss which confirms their theorizing. Losses are the `entrance fee' to a public entertainment, whilst wins are evidence of a successful working strategy.

A common phenomenon in sociology (and in other disciplines presumably) is that of the `taken-for-granted reference'. This is typically an original empirical study, the findings of which become accepted and thereafter acknowledged as valid evidence in support of argument or for the generation of new hypotheses or counter hypotheses without presentation of critical re-evaluation. The extent to which this occurs and how and why it does occur are largely uninvestigated. In this paper, one case of the taken-for-granted reference, which is widely used in studies of social mobility, is subjected to critical re-evaluation in the light of original empirical research.

This paper reports an extension of the Aston studies of organizational structure to the field of occupational interest associations. The sample consisted of six trade unions and one professional association. The structural consequences of the democratic institutions of occupational interest associations were examined and a high degree of electoral control over full-time officials was found to be associated with lower levels of the standardization of procedures, and this was related to the theories of Max Weber.

Ethnosemantics has been described as the study of vocabulary as a guide to the way in which members of a particular culture divide up their universe. Making a selective use of the ethnosemantic approach, the paper examines the relationship between language (nomenclature), social organization and physical-spatial urban form. The particular sphere in which this relationship is investigated is provided by the colonial third culture. By examining the etymology of thirty four key items in the terminological system of the colonial urban settlement and of colonial urbanization in India, insights are gained, not only into the `urban universe' of the colonial community and into the origins of the still-existing physical-spatial urban forms into which this was translated, but also into the structure of social, economic and political relationships which such forms reflect.The ethnosemantic approach to the study of the colonial city is suggested as a useful heuristic device, both for the contribution it makes towards understanding selected aspects of `urbanism', as also for the insights it gives into policy-relevant issues of urban redevelopment. The approach has relevance for urban analysis in other cultural settings.

This paper discusses recent speculation concerning the normative bond which ties the lower class to the present structure of British society. It focuses on the assertions by some theorists that the normative opposition which can arise `spontaneously' within the lower class is inherently limited in scope, and that any future class based movements of a radical kind depend on the action of agencies `external' to the lower class. Some preliminary results are presented from a recent survey of council tenants in Barking, East London, some of whom were on rent strike. This evidence reveals the existence of attitudes `deviant' to dominant values concerning the ownership and rights of property. In conclusion, the nature of lower class normative opposition is reasessed and it is suggested that the lower class are not as conceptually restricted as is often suggested, and that future possibilities of radical action do not necessarily depend on the activities of the Labour Party or trade unions.

This paper reports on a Hungarian study of social class differences in the speech of 65 six year old children from s primary schools in Budapest. Speech samples were collected from stories which were elicited by a series of pictures. Five quantitative indices of context-dependence were constructed; and, on the basis of these indices, context-dependence was related to the child's own social background and to the social composition of the school. It was found that the speech of `advantaged' children was structurally more complex and less context-dependent than the speech of `disadvantaged' children. Overall, the study demonstrates the applicability of the concept of context-dependence in a non-English speaking country, and provides yet another demonstration of the influence of social class differences on speech codes.

The paper examines the ways in which language use contributes to the perceived orderliness of social settings. An analysis is made of the accounts made by `progressive' clergymen of their occupations in order to demonstrate the techniques by which the clergymen established, maintained, and legitimated the appropriateness of their occupations. The purpose is to show that the clergymen's very presentation of the facts of their social setting established a context in which what they defined as their occupation became demonstrably rational.

This paper reports an attempt to explore the relationship between the abilities of some ex-Secondary Modern boys and the degree of selectivity to which each had been subjected in being allocated to a non-selective school. It was found that the correlation with arithmetical ability was positive (0.521) whilst the correlation with verbal ability was negative (-0.382). Two possible reasons behind the discrepancy between the correlations are discussed: the pattern of ability found in the sample studied and differential experience of secondary education according to selectivity conditions. It is tentatively suggested that the findings indicate a wastage of arithmetical ability.

This paper examines the role situation of managers in book-publishing houses, and in particular the conflicts that different definitions of culture tend to generate. It sees the pattern of authority as tending to exacerbate conflicts by eliminating common strategies of conflict management and reduction. It further considers the general problem created by attempts to impose norms of moral commitment where the ideal is defined by others.

In recent years the rank-dimensional approach to the analysis of social stratification has become increasingly prominent. One of its advocates, Johan Galtung, has made relations between nations his major point of empirical reference. The present paper applies rank-dimensional analysis to the deprived nations of Africa and Asia (or the so-called Third World) in an attempt to grasp the degree of rank homogeneity within the group and to relate its rank characteristics to the more privileged nations in the global system. This exercise demonstrates that there is a linear relationship between total rank and rank disequilibrium in the Afro-Asian group; a finding which has a number of significant theoretical ramifications. The major theoretical innovation in this connexion is the concept of rank divergence—defined as the degree to which a unit in a system of stratification diverges from the typical relational pattern holding between the unit's total rank and rank disequilibrium scores.

This paper begins by examining the typology of educational systems outlined by Earl Hopper in Sociology (vol. 2, no. 1, 1968) and argues against the attempt to reduce the comparative study of education to varieties of occupational selection. On the other hand, accepting that a central part of the sociology of education must be with ideology and the generation and transmission of learning, it outlines a framework for examining this in Britain.

Analytical methodologies assume `resolution into simple elements' as a necessary preliminary stage of scholarly investigation. They explicitly, or more often implicitly accept, therefore, that the conclusions reached reflect not only the phenomena analysed, but also the applied system of analytical subdivision. The paper explores and compares the main systems of analysis in current sociology: institutional, class and communal. It suggests a taxonomy of analytical systems and a cross-classification which is introduced to throw light on their conceptual properties at the societal as well as the individual level. It proceeds by discussing the issues of: (A) The societal roots of selection of analytical schemes in sociology; (B) The advantages and blind spots of the specific analytical systems; and (C) Attempts at the integration and reduction of analytical systems in contemporary sociology.

Recent attempts to develop symbolic interactionist methodologies have sought to treat the interview as an object of sociological enquiry as well as a research instrument. But their accounts in terms of interactional rules and presentation of selves are primarily concerned with reactions to interviews, and the display of the interview setting in talk is treated as a resource rather than as a topic for investigation. Since such a reliance on the availability of phenomena is also a feature of the `natural attitude', lay and sociological usages of the interview share striking similarities. More specifically, both employ the documentary method of interpretation and, in order to claim a correspondence between their accounts and some external reality, use remedies to counter misunderstandings. On the basis of tapes of selection interviews, the paper examines the competences and policies routinely adopted to provide for the contexting of talk as interview talk. Given that talk serves to display its setting (this is its reflexive character), talk becomes interview talk as members' managed accomplishment of a knowable context.

This paper attempts to examine what is involved when language is treated as a phenomenon of theoretic concern for the sociologist. The approach to `meaning' suggested by Wittgenstein is outlined and counterposed to formalized representations of the `semantics' of natural languages. The critical issue of `rules of correct use' of language symbols is discussed, and some theoretical problems in describing `linguistic competence' are raised. Some of these problems are located also in a sociological domain where cultural grammars are theoretical goals of research. It is suggested that since linguistic knowledge is practical knowledge, codifications of it in rule-like form can only be for practical purposes. An alternative approach to the analysis of members' speech practices is proposed wherein the theorist investigates members' methods for resolving the indexical properties of communicative interaction, and treats `rules' and other order-assembly devices as elements of practical reasoning.

This paper attempts to establish that three distinct types of intellectual innovation have been accompanied by, and partly produced by, social processes set in motion by over-production of personnel. Over-production occurs when there is a rapid growth in the number of persons qualified to occupy positions involving expertise, without a corresponding increase in the number of positions available. It generates competition among eligible persons for scarce rewards, which, in turn leads them to seek new audiences for their special services and new sources of economic support. Those experts engaged in competition tend to select and emphasize ideas and techniques which improve their own career opportunities. As a result, competition promotes intellectual innovation. It is argued that over-production, accompanied by competition for scarce rewards, has been partly responsible for religious innovation in North African Islam, artistic change in nineteenth century French painting, and intellectual development in modern science.

This paper is concerned with the influence of the policy of local education authorities upon educational attainment. We suggest that the influence of local policy has been neglected in the sociology of education and hypothesize that policy variables are likely to be of major importance as determinants of attainment. Evidence drawn from correlations of policy, provision and social-class variables with each other and with various measures of attainment tends to validate this suggestion, and indicates that two `policy-models' of local authority activity may be appropriate: viz, the elite-orientated authority model, in which resources are differentially concentrated on a sponsored elite with consequent high attainment of this elite; and the egalitarian authority model where resources are more evenly spread throughout the school system with consequent `inferior' attainment of an elitist kind, but where the evidence suggests there is higher overall attainment of the total school system product. It would also appear that the determinant of the policy set pursued by an L.E.A. is the social class background of the area it covers.

The Sociological Research Unit of the Department of Sociology of Education has been engaged for the past five years upon a study of variations between and within social class in familial patterns of communication and control. This paper examines social class differences in maternal reports of various contextual usages of language. The findings, obtained from a sample of 100 mothers, indicate social class differences in adult-adult and mother-child communication.

This paper reports social class differences in the emphasis placed upon the use of language in two areas of the socialization of the child: inter-person relationships and the acquisition of basic skills. The sample of 100 mothers is a sub-sample of 120 mothers who live in a middle class area and 192 mothers who live in a working class area. (The correlation between area and the social class position of the family is 0.74.) The results obtained from the use of a closed schedule show that the middle class mothers, relative to the working class mothers, place a much greater emphasis upon the use of language in the person area; whereas the working class mothers, relative to the middle class mothers, place a greater emphasis upon the use of language in the transmission of basic skills. The results are consonant with the prediction derived from the theory of restricted and elaborated linguistic codes which has also been used to generate a model for the understanding of social learning and forms of cultural discontinuity between the home and the school.

There is no evidence that the choice of the public corporation as the preferred form of public enterprise in Britain was the result of a rational decision-making process (AST 1951c: 23-24; Shinwell 1955: 172-173; Hanson 1961: 28). It would be rather surprising to find that, after a review of all the possible forms of public enterprise, the public corporation just happened to be the most suitable form for all the industries and services that have been nationalized in Britain, and that it should remain the most appropriate form, despite all the social and economic changes since the establishment of the first corporation in 1926. Nor does the selection of the public corporation appear to have been a political choice. Pre-war Conservative and Conservative-dominated governments pioneered the public corporation in this country when they nationalized the BBC, the London Passenger Transport Board, the Central Electricity Board and BOAC (Imperial Airways). Whilst there was a long, and at times bitter, debate within the Labour Party before and after the first World War over the desirable form of future public enterprises (Dahl 1947, Hanson 1954, Tivey 1966: 37), virtually all Labour nationalization measures have adopted the same structure. The British appear, in fact, to have established some of the largest organizations the world has ever known, in a intuitive manner, and to have taken the form more or less for granted. One may infer, therefore, that the form they have chosen expresses, in part at least, a cultural preference, especially as, by contrast, with the French, Italians, Swedes and others, they seem to have been very consistent in this respect. In this paper, I will attempt to identify this cultural preference. The limitations of available data give little opportunity of doing this with a fine degree of precision, but one may reasonably attempt a piece of sociological detection: to try and make sense of the evidence we have, to state some tentative conclusions and to provide some concepts and questions for future investigation.