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The paper examines the theoretical and empirical debates surrounding the benefits of an export‐led growth strategy. The experience of two newly industrialised countries are analyzed and discussed in relation to South Africa's political and economic position. The writers attempt to show that an uncritical acceptance of ‘recipes’ for economic development, which do not take into account specific domestic political and economic factors, could lead to inappropriate policy formulation and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rapid globalisation of the world economy has heightened the exposure of many economies to global economic developments. Small open economies have become particularly vulnerable to global shocks, a situation which has increased their need for emergency funding during times of crisis. The global financial safety net (GFSN) is a financial backstop at the international level which provides support to countries during periods of financial stress. However, access to the GFSN is 'unequal' and 'uneven', with emerging and developing economies being particularly disadvantaged. This paper provides an overview of the GFSN and analyses South Africa's access to the GFSN in a comparative setting. The analysis reveals South Africa's unequal access to the GFSN, relative to upper-middle income and high-income countries. Finally, the paper highlights some measures to strengthen the country's financial backstop at the international level to enhance South Africa's resilience against international financial shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory article is interested in how transnational foreign policy ideas are shaped and institutionalised. One such idea that has re-emerged more prominently since the early 2000s is that of the 'Indo-Pacific' that covers the geoeconomic landscape of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The question is whether such a concept can exist beyond white papers and the current environment of US–China competition. In order to understand how transnational concepts become embedded and promoted, the example of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – not only as the perceived anti-thesis to the Indo-Pacific but also as a relatively successful concept in Africa–China ties – will be examined. While there is no strict formula for the success of foreign policy ideas that go on to become institutionalised, it is of interest to understand the elements and contexts that bring about concept durability beyond their initial formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on established scholarship in international relations theory, notably Alexander Wendt's assertion that ‘states are people too’, this paper explores South African foreign policy decisions that are routinely dismissed as being ‘schizophrenic’, and makes two claims: first, that existing scholarship fails to adequately address causal factors of South African foreign policy and, second, that we need to turn to emotions and affect to do so. As such, the theoretical framework adopted for the purposes of the paper treats ‘state-level’ affect as a central explanatory factor, in contrast to established scholarship on emotion theorisation, which treats states as ontologically subordinate to their constituent members and thus subject to the private affects and cognitions of the individuals that make decisions on behalf of the state. Existing literature on collective emotion seems to support the possibility of state emotion. This notion of transsubjective emotionality facilitates the argument that states have emotions too, and that these emotions condition not only identities but also actions in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary peacebuilding debates, it is argued that local ownership renders peacebuilding more sustainable, democratic and legitimate. However, these claims have not been seriously interrogated as to their empirical validity. Such evaluations must begin by answering the question, ‘Who is local?’ Different local actors have varying resources, capacities and levels of authority and autonomy. Taking the relatively unexplored case of diasporas, this paper illustrates the absence of a straightforward relationship between ownership and its normative benefits. By assessing the significance of resources like local/ethnic bonds, financial and social remittances, this paper argues that diasporas can undermine the legitimacy of peacebuilding. Furthermore, although diasporas can enhance the prospects for democratic governance, the causal mechanisms can be corrupted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development aid discourses have been criticised for perpetuating othering and coloniality. They have been argued to produce and reproduce conceptual creations of a distinguishable 'us' and 'them' and uphold hierarchies where former colonial powers remain preeminent and subjugate the 'Global South'. The turn of the century, however, saw the emergence of 'development partnerships' to rebalance asymmetrical relationships between donor and recipient. Developing a critical discourse analysis framework from decolonial scholarship and applying it to the United Kingdom Department for International Development's development partnership with South Africa between 2014 and 2018, the article reveals clear examples of othering and coloniality. The suggestion of mutuality therefore appears to be just a façade, and the development partnership discourse is rather emphasising difference and justifying colonial hierarchies, contradicting its purported values. Recommendations include increased scrutiny of dehistoricised and decontextualised development narratives, and clearly stating national and political interests in bilateral partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the successes and challenges of NATO and EU interventions off the coast of Somalia. It begins with identifying the mandate of multinational naval missions to fight piracy. After discussing achievements and significant developments in anti-piracy operations, the paper scrutinises NATO's successes and challenges in taking up the fight against piracy in the Horn of Africa region. The article continues with providing reasons for the EU's involvement in combating Somali piracy and explains the need for the continuous expansion of Operation Atalanta's mandate. It then elaborates on the EU's successes and challenges with regards to addressing the threat of piracy off the Somali coast. The study argues that piracy can only be eliminated if multilateral coordination at sea and ashore is enhanced; law enforcement becomes more effective; operational information is more widely shared; and security capabilities are strengthened in the Horn of Africa region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico has the material resources to be considered an emerging power, given the size of its economy, population, geography and other aspects. However, the country has displayed a limited capacity to project leadership, both at the international and at the regional level. Drawing on a number of comparisons with Brazil (the largest economy in Latin America) and other BRICS countries, this paper shows how Mexico has failed to use its existing resources to become more influential in multilateral institutions, particularly within the United Nations. This paper argues that not only Mexican diplomats but also the economic and political elites in the country have been reluctant for the country to act as an emerging power on the world stage. Unlike Brazil, with its strong international identity, Mexico is conditioned by its proximity to and economic dependence on the US. It has failed to position itself as a bridge between the South and the North and it has lacked a coherent long-term foreign policy. In addition, a weak Secretariat of Foreign Affairs and a poorly coordinated, decentralised diplomatic corps with insufficient personnel and resources have also undermined Mexico's international performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The community-driven, decentralised approach to natural resource management has reached a crossroads. The good governance agenda in the water, forestry, fishery and biodiversity sectors has generated limited success in achieving pro-poor outcomes. In many cases, local elites are to blame for capturing the benefits from the process of democratising decision-making processes. This paper examines two approaches in the literature which both aim to address elite domination, namely elite exclusion and elite inclusion. The former is a deliberate act to reduce the influence of elites by excluding them from the decision-making process in natural resource management. The latter, in contrast, is a conscious strategy to integrate elites into the use of natural resources in an attempt to redistribute the benefits to poor people via the ‘trickle down’ effect. This paper argues that the dichotomy of elite inclusion and exclusion is inadequate in understanding the complex local power dynamics in natural resource management. In particular, the binary division fails to address the multiple locations of elites, overlapping institutions and the paradoxes of ‘controlled’ participatory processes. This paper argues that any strategies to tackle elite capture need to pay attention to the historical, socially embedded and negotiated nature of resource governance arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued in this paper that the level of non-compliance is high in the Organisation of African Unity/African Union in part because the organisation failed to institute and enforce strict membership accession conditionalities. Across the life of the organisation, this has resulted in non-compliance, mainly the non-payment of dues and non-implementation of policies. This position adds a historical dimension to arguments that identify weak economic capacity and the lack of political will as the main sources of non-compliance. It also supports the thesis that the enforcement of strict accession rules prepares states to perform their obligations and sets them up to receive benefits from the group. In 2002, Africa's continental body changed its mandate from liberation to integration. Since integration requires the strict enforcement of accession rules, the paper suggests that the organisation proceed by choosing differential membership to align the behaviour of its members to their obligations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors argue that South Africa's role as an economic gateway for various African countries primarily depends on geography, that is, on naturally given and man-made structures in geographical space. Hence, they first examine South Africa's location and physio-geographical conditions in Southern Africa in order to show important factors that affect the scope of the South African gateway. Second, they shed light on regional transport infrastructure, revealing how South Africa interlinks its neighbouring countries globally. Thirdly, regional economic interaction is analysed with regard to structural features of South Africa's economy that make it prone to being a gateway. The authors recognise that the impact of all these factors is influenced by strategic decisions taken by politicians and businesspeople. The outlook of the paper therefore addresses policies of the South African government that are often problematic for the country's gateway role. Potential challengers and their competitive advantages are presented, too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The active participation in international organisations (IOs) is an important condition for the ability of states to exert influence over the content of international norms and rules. Thus, this paper adopts a comparative perspective and examines how active African states are in more than 500 international negotiations and under what conditions they are likely to remain silent. This reveals that diplomatic staff capacities are an essential precondition for active participation, while incentive structures, such as the scope of interests, impact how often states take the floor. An alternative to voicing national interest is to negotiate on behalf of regional organisations or regional groups. This paper shows that especially weaker and smaller African states benefit from regional group membership and use references to them in order to increase their leverage in international negotiations and improve, thereby, their chances to exert influence over the international architecture of rules and norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South–South Cooperation is an emerging trend in international development assistance. Since 2011, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) initiative in South Sudan has been one of the most comprehensive attempts at post-conflict capacity development through South–South Cooperation, in terms of both scope and level of funding. This paper looks at the well-being of civil servant support officers deployed under the IGAD initiative, and the relationship between well-being and project performance. The paper explores assumptions underpinning South–South Cooperation and seeks to establish a better understanding of well-being and its impact on project performance. The paper also examines whether the second phase of the initiative has adequately addressed various challenges identified in the first phase. The paper finds that well-being, although often overlooked, has been critical to programme success in the IGAD initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the extent to which South Africa utilises positive economic statecraft to promote human rights in the region – that is, the degree to which it mobilises its economic engagement to affect a desirable political outcome in its foreign engagements in Southern Africa. The country's reaction to crises in Zimbabwe and Swaziland over the past 20 years is a strong indicator of the limits of South Africa's statecraft in this regard. These engagements highlight the inevitable clash between the country's principled preference for ‘non-interference’ in the affairs of sovereign states and its constitutional mandate to respect and promote human rights. Despite eschewing the role of ‘regional hegemon’, there is an expectation that South Africa will play an integral role in securing regional stability. Yet there is little evidence to suggest that the country chooses to approach resolving regional challenges with a co-ordinated political and economic approach. This paper argues that, to be more effective in spreading a progressive regional agenda that encourages democracy, governance and human rights, South Africa needs to incorporate a stronger element of positive economic statecraft in its foreign policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) clarifies that persons with disabilities have the right to participate in political life and enshrines their right to vote and stand as candidates in elections. This article evaluates compliance and current practices in the European Union, finding a great variety of implementation to facilitate the electoral participation of persons with disabilities. Despite CRPD ratification by all EU member states, inaccessibility of elections, lack of suitable information, removal of legal capacity, and other disability-based discrimination remain barriers to political participation. Nevertheless, there are increasingly good practices of inclusion by which legislators and election administrators can learn from each other. Based on the example of the EU, the judicial activism of disabled persons organisations in particular highlights the key role of civil society organisations and their cooperation with public authorities to make electoral processes more inclusive, alleviating political inequality overall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the application of the non-interference principle in the context of China’s security policy in Africa, to determine the extent to which we are witnessing an evolution in the application of this principle. Indeed, as seen with the recent opening of the military base in Djibouti or with China’s contribution to peace talks in South Sudan, it would appear that the non-intervention principle is undergoing a course reversal. This paper will argue that, in spite of these apparent shifts, there has been no fundamental change to the application of this principle. To make this point, this article applies Ren’s typology, which characterises three levels of nuance in the forms that the application of non-interference has taken in practice. This typology is then applied in a comparative manner across the four following components of China’s security policy in Africa: peacekeeping operations; military cooperation; naval power projection; and crisis management mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Field offices are an increasingly important reality in the architecture of African peacemaking. Yet despite their importance in practice, in academic debates on peacebuilding and mediation, little attention has so far been paid to their work. This paper analyses the role of the African Union Liaison Office in the international efforts to re-establish constitutional order after the 2009 political crisis in Madagascar. The paper scrutinises the mandate, set-up and institutional capacities of the liaison office and reconstructs how and to what extent it has contributed to peacemaking and conflict prevention in Madagascar. It thereby particularly highlights the often ad hoc way the liaison office reacted to unprecedented and rapidly changing events on the ground and stresses the important role played by individual staff members in translating the liaison office’s mandate into practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioterrorism – the manipulation of disease crises by terrorist groups to achieve political aims – is an under-researched threat to Africa. The increasing frequency of epidemics and pandemics such as Ebola and Covid-19, concurrent with the regional increase in terrorism, increases the potential for disease crises to be exploited as political weapons by terrorist groups, either directly or indirectly. This paper produces insights about the intersection of terrorism and disease in Africa through the exploration of terrorism's interaction with the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI), with reference to targeted violence, anti-vaccination rhetoric and anti-West suspicions in Nigeria, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Terrorism is shown to be significantly hindering polio eradication in these states, and it is argued that these actions should be incorporated into an expanded conceptualisation of bioterrorism. Lessons are drawn from the GPEI to augment current understandings of terrorism, counter-terrorism and disease in Africa, with recommendations for future action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses upon an evaluation of the principal factors determining the nature and evolution of Southern African regionalism in the twenty‐first century. It is argued that regional integration will be determined by the interplay of circumstances that are both global and regional in character; multilateral liberalism and intense regional inequalities. A central contention underpinning this paper is that there is a fundamental conflict between these global and regional pressures. Translating the widespread desire for some form of regional integration into an effectively functioning institutional reality is, therefore, going to be a slow, and potentially acrimonious, process. This assertion is discussed further through an analysis of the arguments surrounding the Southern African Customs Union renegotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the focus of many industrialised states has shifted regarding where they secure raw materials; a revised geopolitical perspective has impelled states to reduce strong dependencies on certain countries. For the European Union, its proposed Critical Raw Materials Act could have a crucial impact on the economic relationship of EU countries with China, currently the most important source of processed minerals to the EU, causing them to set ambitious diversification targets. How will this rise of a 'new geopolitics' of mineral supply chains shape the relationship between the EU and other trading partners, such as mineral-rich countries on the African continent? And how might African economies work to maximise their own benefit from this refocus? The article explores current geopolitical dynamics as they relate to the restructuring of supply chains, as well as opportunities for African economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) is a legal mechanism that allows foreign investors access to a supposedly neutral dispute resolution forum other than the court system of the host country in which the dispute arose. Globally, ISDS resolution mechanisms are currently confronted with unprecedented levels of scrutiny, and the system's legitimacy is being questioned by both developed and developing countries alike. In Africa, criticisms of ISDS and the actual benefits of investment agreements for developing country host nations have informed recent collective efforts to shape dispute resolution mechanisms provided for in continental, regional and bilateral investment agreements. In light of these developments, this paper examines the contemporary international law regime in Africa and the ISDS mechanisms that are put in place by such an investment framework from the global, continental, regional and bilateral perspectives. It argues that African countries should not abandon ISDS, and provides recommendations on the way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the benefits of Chinese companies to the Ugandan economy using data gathered during fieldwork in Kampala. Potential contributions to the Ugandan economy are analysed through a number of economic and managerial factors, and their determinants. This paper shows that potential benefits vary on the basis of sector, investment size and ECCO registration. The potential harm caused by one sector in particular is indicated. The paper presents recommendations regarding how potential benefits can be maximised and harm reduced. Given the increased presence of Chinese enterprises in Africa, these findings are relevant to African policymakers and academics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past decade witnessed the intensification of the commercial and political activities of emerging powers in Africa. These activities are analysed in terms of their impact on Africa, but also how they have potentially displaced the European Union and its leading member states as the key policy interlocutors in Africa. In many domains, the EU and its member states have now been normalised to strategic partners among other strategic partners. This has not been without implications for EU policymaking in Africa. This paper claims that the complexity and multifaceted nature of interaction between the European Union and emerging powers, notably China, in trilateral cooperation in Africa suggest that these actors have mutually accepted cooperation in Africa as a necessary end to be pursued. They have as a result of their respective presence and engagement in Africa modified their policies. While cooperation is a stated end, China is seen not only as a driver of certain EU objectives, including development, but it is perceived as a brake on the codification of certain EU norms such as democracy and human rights. Similarly, the willingness of China to pursue and deepen trilateral cooperation in Africa does not appear to be an urgent policy priority. Thus, this paper contends that in addition to an understanding of trilateral cooperation, a study of individual bilateral strategies and policy adaptation sheds more light through which relations between these actors should be analysed. In the main, the paper seeks to go beyond zero-sum analyses by arguing the relationship between the EU and emerging powers, particularly China, as deserving more nuanced and fuller analyses than it currently receives, in order to understand the impact on EU policymaking on Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate continues over the factors that influence electoral outcomes or voter behaviour and alignment in elections all over the world. Several factors have been noted, including the manifestos of political parties. In spite of the potential influence of the party manifesto, several comparative and empirical studies on elections in Ghana have paid little or no attention to manifestos in determining the electoral outcomes of political parties in the Fourth Republic.This paper makes a contribution to the debate by examining how manifestos have influenced the electoral chances of the two main political parties which have been in and out of government in Ghana since the inception of the Fourth Republic, namely, the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party. Analysis covers the five elections held in 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004 and 2008. Specifically, it discusses not only the ability of the manifestos to shape policy debate but also to some extent, influence electoral outcomes. The paper concludes with some lessons learned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science, technology and innovation (STI) policy is increasingly part of global politics. This article develops the argument that the governance of STI policy shifted with South Africa's transition to democracy and its re-integration into the international system. The traditionally inward oriented policy field has undergone a shift in governance towards internationalisation. This paper assesses these changes and their impact on South Africa's policymaking processes. The discussion seeks to span two disciplines, international relations and economic research on innovation, recognising the role of intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) in domestic STI policymaking. We argue that the relationship between IGOs and national governments is two-sided and changes over time. The case of the South African government shows how it changed from the receiving end of the policy advice from IGOs towards an active force in shaping the international system with regard to STI, and pursuit of its own interests through spreading and setting up international norms. We hypothesise that these changes result from increasing governance capability and policy learning. These relationships between national and international actors and the role of international organisations in domestic STI policy formulation will be disentangled in this paper presenting two main findings. Firstly, the analysis of the global governance architecture in STI shows that international legalisation in STI has changed towards soft law mechanisms. In the early days of STI, international organisations focused mainly on regulating intellectual property rights (IPR), while today various UN agencies, OECD committees and Bretton Woods institutions seek to influence governments through rankings, reviews, policy advice, performance measurement, data collection and periodical surveillance. Secondly, during its process of reintegration into the international political system, the South African government demonstrated an evolution from exclusively receiving IGO's policy advice to increasingly becoming an initiator of international policy platforms in STI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) agreement signed in 2002 purported to change the predominance of South African power within the institution to give other member states greater representation, thus increasing the democratic credibility of SACU. This article explores changes to decision-making procedures in SACU resulting from the 2002 Agreement and considers the extent to which the institution has thereby democratised. The paper considers the meaning of democracy in the context of supranational regional institutions before reviewing the history of SACU in terms of decision-making processes and power relations between member states. The paper argues that while democratisation of institutions implies greater legitimacy and thus longevity, the historical trajectory of SACU means that moves towards democratisation have served rather to destabilise the institution, notwithstanding the incomplete implementation of recommended democratisation measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of South Africa's public service improvement strategies since 1994. It first describes the historical factors that underpinned South Africa's service delivery initiatives before 1994. It is argued that the pre-1994 public service sector was racialised and highly politicised, as opposed to being people-centred and service delivery oriented. The transition to democracy in 1994 necessitated a complete revision of South Africa's public administrative system in order to meet the developmental challenges of service delivery needs. However, this transition also coincided with global reform initiatives that were taking place in the public sector, as informed by the new public management (NPM) paradigm with its emphasis on cost effectiveness, accountability and transparency. The primary argument of the paper is that commendable legislative reforms have been enacted in South Africa's public administration system in the post-1994 period, based on the NPM, but the fragility of the state bureaucracy as manifested in the silo approach characterising the South African government operations, as well as capacity limitations, encumbers the success of these reforms. The Community Development Worker (CDW) programme, operating in South Africa's Eastern and Western Cape Provinces, is used as a case study to illustrate this argument. A brief look at India's experience of the NPM also informs the discussion. The significance of the case study lies in the fact that it was conceived in the interest of increased responsiveness and accessibility to government services, a vital pillar of the NPM framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the prospects and problems of Nigeria's aspiration for a seat on an enlarged UN Security Council. Some of the factors that strengthen the country's candidacy include its past experience, e.g. its service as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for three terms, its impressive peacekeeping profile at multilateral and bilateral levels, and its unparalleled African leadership role. The return of the country to the path of democracy after years of successive military regimes has also increased its legitimacy in international affairs. If these credentials are to yield the desired result, the country must contend with the worsening state of national security, the slow pace of economic recovery despite ongoing reforms, the challenges posed by other serious African contenders particularly Egypt and South Africa, and Nigeria's continuing image problem, despite advances in the struggle to address it. This is the paradox for Nigeria's candidacy of the Security Council Seat. The paper concludes with recommendations to address these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Chadian government’s overwhelming preoccupation with state security, rather than individual security, as evidenced by its huge expenditure on arms rather than on poverty-alleviating development projects following the unprecedented influx of petrodollars in the years since production began in 2003. This overemphasis on state security demonstrates a mismatch between the availability of natural resource wealth and ongoing low levels of socioeconomic development in Chad. The country has instead used its enormous oil wealth to boost its standing in the turbulent Central African and Sahelian regions where terrorism is rife. The country’s international diplomacy, which consists of deploying its well-equipped military in international peacekeeping missions and in the fight against terrorism, is a strategy of achieving international recognition while simultaneously diverting the international community’s attention from the country’s democracy deficit and poor human rights record. Internally, authoritarianism and political instability are accompanied by conflict, poverty and underdevelopment, which in turn perpetuate the challenges facing the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article introduces a special issue which contributes to the governance debates pertaining to the extractive sector in Africa, where the EU seeks a major role. Better governance is clearly required to meet the objectives of the Africa Mining Vision and the EU's Raw Materials Initiative; however, there is growing recognition that better formal regulations on paper will not necessarily result in better outcomes on the ground. Greater awareness of the potential unintended negative consequences of some governance initiatives is necessary. Companies involved in natural resource extraction in African countries must consider their roles in the governance question in far deeper terms than mere corporate social responsibility or attaining a social licence to operate. Similarly, at the EU level, more attention has to be paid to what happens beyond efforts to create greater levels of transparency, especially in the effort to stop illicit financial flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian engagement in East Africa's health sector is multifaceted, comprehensive and involves national and subnational actors. It includes exports of low cost generics, building health infrastructure, aid, technical assistance and hosting medical tourists among others. This paper, based on extensive fieldwork conducted with multiple stakeholders in Kenya and Ethiopia, provides an overview of the various components of India's co-operation in the East African health sector and identifies pharmaceutical manufacturing as a space for Indian actors to leverage their strengths. It focuses on two case studies of manufacturers: a third-generation company in Kenya owned by members of the Indian diaspora, and a newly formed subsidiary of an Indian corporation in Ethiopia. These case studies inform the larger debate on India's health diplomacy on the continent and the myriad ways in which the Indian state as well as corporates can enhance existing co-operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common observation regarding the Mandela Administration's foreign policy is that South Africa adopted an approach to peacemaking that drew on its own recent and unique negotiated transition. While ubiquitous, this observation has rarely been seriously examined. This paper undertakes such an examination through the use of psychological theories of decision making, which explore the formative impact that a leader's domestic rise to power has on the foreign policy predilections of that leader. These theories provide a powerful link that supports the oft stated, but poorly articulated, connection between South Africa's transition and its regional peacemaking efforts. The paper then surveys the most salient lessons learned by President Mandela during South Africa's transitional negotiations and explores whether these lessons affected South Africa's regional peacemaking efforts. This analysis indicates that both Mandela's inclination to negotiate, and the style in which he did so, were directly informed by South Africa's own negotiated transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a Nigerian perspective to South Africa's position in global economic governance, particularly in relation to its role in the BRICS and G20. It is informed by the challenge of transforming Africa's current marginal role in global economic governance, and the kind(s) of regional partnerships that Africa's largest economies can strategically develop and use to place the continent on a higher economic pedestal globally. The paper places challenges confronting Africa in context, exploring how South Africa, by negotiating a strategic partnership with other continental economic powers outside of the BRICS, such as Nigeria, stands to leverage Africa's role and global position on a ‘win–win’ basis. It concludes by noting the costs and potential benefits of such a partnership, and offers some suggestions on the way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses challenges and prospects facing research and innovation partnerships between Africa and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on agriculture and the PROIntensAfrica Initiative. The analysis, based on qualitative research and a literature review on Africa-EU bi-regional collaborations, considers normative and structural weakness in the governance of these bi-regional partnerships. Its overall aim is to stimulate discussion at the policy and academic level on means to strengthen the governance of future agricultural research partnerships between Africa and other regions of the world. Issues identified as key to setting up research and development partnerships include the nature of funding mechanisms, partnership creation instruments, the maturity of the relationship between partners and the differences in partner capabilities. The analysis finds that partnership governance mechanisms should address all of these issues, since they affect the sustainability and effectiveness of partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite continued engagement between the European Union (EU) and Africa, cooperation continues to present challenges. The EU is frequently viewed as 'the donor' and Africa as 'the recipient', creating an unequal partnership. This paper analyses EU-Africa cooperation on common priority areas, namely governance, democracy, human rights, peace and security, and migration. While the parties have developed joint frameworks for cooperation and concluded relevant agreements, overall implementation has been limited owing to differences in capacities, perceptions and priorities. The article seeks to analyse how these differences have hindered the implementation of EU-Africa policy frameworks for joint action. Often, solutions are seen as imposed instead of owned - especially in Africa. Building trust is thus essential, through redefining the basis for cooperation between the EU and Africa and analysing what has and has not worked in the implementation of their cooperation framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security sector reform (SSR) is a cornerstone of the EU's crisis management activities. Africa, along with the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe, has received special emphasis in this regard from the EU. Thus, immediately after the independence of South Sudan, the EU deployed an aviation security mission, EUAVSEC South Sudan, within the framework of its Common Security and Defence Policy. The aim of the mission was to contribute to strengthening aviation security, border control and law enforcement under local ownership, in order to raise the standards at Juba Airport to internationally accepted levels. This paper analyses Common Security and Defence Policy engagement in the context of security sector reform in Africa and critically reflects on the implementation of the EU's comprehensive approach in South Sudan. Further, it examines to what extent local ownership could be achieved with regard to EUAVSEC South Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As questions concerning international development climb the international agenda, so countries find themselves drawn into a burgeoning number of negotiations on issues ranging from the future shape and direction of the post-2015 development agenda to ‘aid effectiveness’ and international development cooperation. Moving from the position of a ‘beneficiary’ state in the traditional donor–recipient aid hierarchy, South Africa is looking to define its own niche within the wider development diplomacy context as a development partner. This paper provides an assessment of South Africa's evolving approach towards international development cooperation, with a particular focus on trilateral development cooperation, and what this means for Pretoria's foreign policy in bridging the divide between developed and developing country positions within the international development regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, the logic that decentralisation is the territorial twin of democracy has been employed in the domain of foreign policy to advocate for the transfer of international relations prerogatives to subnational governments (SNGs). Proponents of this argument contend that, because of the proximity of SNGs to local communities, the territorial decentralisation of elements of foreign policy, or paradiplomacy, has the potential to engender greater citizen awareness, interest and participation in international affairs, and thus contribute to the democratisation of foreign policy. This paper draws insight from the paradiplomacy of three South African provinces to assess the extent to which the foreign relations of provincial governments represent a model process that contributes to the democratisation of foreign policy. It argues that, in the absence of effective mechanisms to promote meaningful deliberation, accountability, transparency and representation in the provinces, paradiplomacy has done little more than encourage the monopolisation by subnational elites of the few foreign policy prerogatives that Pretoria has transferred to provincial governments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2007 there has been discussion to formalise, rationalise, coordinate and provide structure to South Africa's development cooperation through the establishment of a centralised South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). Progress in rolling out the new institution, however, has been extremely slow, owing to the political and technical complexities of South Africa's institutional environment. This paper elaborates on the rationale and driving forces which have led to the establishment of SADPA and the steps which have been taken to gradually operationalise the new agency and the partnership fund dedicated to providing development support on the continent. As plans move forward, will SADPA be expected to manage all of South Africa's development cooperation — bilateral, multilateral, regional, trilateral — as well as concessional loans, humanitarian aid and development financing, public and private? Clarity of roles and coordination is critical. The paper will examine the different mechanisms for the financing, implementation and oversight that need to be in place to take forward Pretoria's development cooperation, and the challenges of leadership, coordination, accountability and information management that face the new agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the debates on environmentally sustainable and socially inclusive growth with specific focus on Sub-Saharan Africa. It observes that, even considering its inherent limits, the discourse on growth is still imprisoned by the Washington Consensus mode of thinking. There have been attempts by various institutions and commissions appointed by heads of government to take the debate forward, but a lack of commonly agreed global norms undermines prospects for shifts in thinking. Nonetheless, countries need to undertake such efforts if there is to be any meaningful deliberation on environmentally sustainable and socially inclusive growth. In this regard, the paper also examines the strengths and weaknesses of efforts undertaken by South Africa thus far. Policy emphases on the role of the state and structural transformation that predominate in debates in formal institutions in the African continent are insufficient. This paper explores what is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Talanoa Dialogue on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change focuses on taking stock of progress towards the long-term goal of the 2015 Paris Agreement, including refining (intended) nationally determined contributions [(I)NDCs]. The Talanoa Dialogue focuses on three questions, namely: Where are we? Where do we want to go? And, how do we get there? Given the resentment regarding the manner in which some (I)NDCs have been crafted and continued allegations on mitigation bias, this paper audits selected African (I)NDCs to determine the extent to which agriculture and adaptation issues are addressed. It emerged that while some address agriculture and adaptation, others do not. Agriculture and climate adaptation must continue to be placed at the centre of the (I)NDCs. Likewise, if Africa is to fulfil Agenda 2063’s commitment to prioritise climate adaptation, effort must be redoubled to enact a COP26 Decision on Agriculture addressing adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses China's use of infrastructure-for-resources loans in Africa as a win–win economic cooperation tool. This formula, offering generous loans for infrastructure in exchange for resource access, came into being largely as a default cooperation tool, inspired by China's own domestic experience, its competitive advantages and Africa's receptivity to this kind of barter deal. Embodying the principle of mutual benefit, China has consistently combined the extension of financial assistance for infrastructure construction in Africa with the expansion of Chinese business interests and the pursuit of resource security goals. The analysis focuses on whether this instrument is actually promoting African development or fuelling instead China's economic growth at the expense of African economies. The author argues that the impact has been mixed. Although there are some meaningful positive signs, many challenges persist, and as such the long-term developmental impact of this particular tool remains uncertain. The responsibility to ensure a positive outcome rests, however, on the African side as much as on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper puts forward a strategic view of what South African trade policy should be doing in relation to the future global trading environment. The future is uncertain, but if the past is prologue, South African trade policy needs to be positioned for a continuation of the commodity cycle, and to exploit markets in emerging economies, including Africa, more fully. Simultaneously, it needs policies to spur labour-intensive services and manufacturing exports, both because these will be needed if commodity markets are less robust and because of their employment-creating potential. South Africa's current strategy, however, is inflexible, heavily focused on domestic concerns and is in danger of placing South African exporters at a disadvantage in accessing the growing emerging economies. It also gives rise to an inherent tension between the interests of South Africa and the African region in trade negotiations. Having as the central tenet of trade policy a commitment to deal with tariffs on a case-by-case basis will not serve South Africa well in the global economy that is likely to emerge over the next 15 years. A simpler tariff structure would facilitate the conclusion of free trade agreements and actually make industrial policy more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article investigates the state of Mozambique's political economy 20 years after the end of its civil war between FRELIMO and RENAMO, in 1992. This paper is written from the theoretical perspectives of growing criticism of the neo-liberal assumptions that underlie development policy and places the analysis of Mozambique's economic growth and development within the field of development studies as they are played out in African realities. Mozambique is viewed by the donor community and multilateral institutions as a success story of postwar construction, yet a closer look at the development outcomes in Mozambique calls this conclusion into question. The paper found that, despite improvements in reducing the number of people living in poverty between 1992 and 2012, hunger persists and malnutrition and diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis are on the increase. The author concludes that global governance reforms that take cognisance of Mozambique's and indeed Africa's governance challenges are needed to forge a development paradigm relevant for Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are well placed to seize the opportunities from expanding global and regional demand for agricultural products but that this will require a shift from extensive to more intensive production systems. The ability of SSA's smallholder farmers to increase on-farm investments in productivity is, however, constrained by their capacity to manage the risk-return trade-offs in moving towards intensified agriculture. While stakeholders are increasing their investments to assist smallholders in SSA to participate in integrated supply chains, the returns in terms of technical and financial results from these investments are generally lower than in other developing regions. This paper suggests that this is, at least in part, a consequence of problems associated with the role of spatial and temporal coordination in program delivery. Hence, much more focus needs to be devoted to delivering goods and services for smallholders at the right place and the right time, and this should be better monitored and evaluated in the context of development programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines South Africa's engagement with the rest of the African continent in the realm of peace and security since 1994. It notes that despite expectations from the international community as well as its own policy documents that South Africa would promote human rights on the continent, this has not occurred in a substantial manner. Pretoria has been naive in its mediation attempts, or worse. Pretoria's ambiguous position in relation to human rights is not only a product of domestic variables but also its own lack of capacity, especially on the military front. These domestic constraints are reinforced at a regional level where structures like the African Standby Forces are little more than 'paper tigers'. This serves to reinforce the status quo, ultimately undermining human security and escalating prospects for future conflict. At the same time the article does point to some positive developments arising from the Zuma administration in its engagement on the African continent in its efforts to secure human security for Africa's citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Paris club granted a number of African countries, including Nigeria, debt relief. This elicited widespread celebration in the capital cities of affected countries, where it was portrayed as a veritable launch-pad to Africa's development. This paper takes a critical look at the debt relief, with emphasis on its problems and prospects for Africa's development. It is argued that while debt relief does offer some prospects for development, there is little or no evidence to suggest that such an outcome is automatic. The conditions that precipitated the debt crisis in the first instance, including an inequitable international economic order and political conditions tied to aid, are still very present in the debt relief regime. Corruption of the foreign aid regime by both internal and external actors has been compounded by the recent global economic crisis, posing further constraints on the effectiveness of foreign aid in Africa. If debt relief must yield the desired result, it has to be accompanied by a sustainable campaign to fundamentally reform the world order to make it more equitable, together with a drive for good governance that is not only democratic, but also efficient and development-oriented in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]