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This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The India, Brazil and South Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA) established in 2003 brings together three like-minded, democratic, market economies of multi-cultural and multi-ethnic character, sharing a broadly similar economic, political and development situation. At the time of its formation IBSA was widely regarded as representing a novel form of South-South cooperation, transcending older models rooted in the logic of North-South confrontation in the post-colonial, Cold War world. However, now, as the respective countries prepare for their tenth anniversary summit in India, the forum seems to face a growing sense of irrelevance, perhaps even an existential crisis. There has been a proliferation of other forums—notably BRICS and the G20—which means that IBSA needs to differentiate itself if it is to endure. This paper suggests a common vision for IBSA, based on the concept of international liberalism, implying an open international market, well-regulated capital markets and tailored domestic policies such as social policy, health policy and education policy, may well increase the weight IBSA can gain in different international forums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much scholarly attention has focused on the growing influence of China in Africa, India remains a comparatively neglected actor on the continent, especially among policy makers in the Global North. In this article, the authors argue that this comparative neglect is not only an empirical gap. Instead, it points towards a deeper conceptual challenge of accounting for shifting global power dynamics. To address this challenge, the article develops a relational account of power that takes into consideration questions of status and memory. Based on interviews conducted in Kenya and Ethiopia in early 2020, the analysis shows that India's influence in the region is perceived differently by different audiences. While diplomats from the Global North focussed primarily on material capabilities, respondents from East Africa also highlighted the importance of normative status, shared historical memories, and the Indo-African diaspora as central factors of India's influence in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the energy sector relations between India and Africa. It notes that India is changing its demand for energy sources to Africa because of its disproportional dependence on the Persian Gulf. It mentions that the need of India to the energy sources of Africa is equal to the latter's infrastructure and technology investments. It suggests that India must broaden its influence to the politics of African countries so that government-caused oil deal policy delays will be avoided.

India is seen as an exceptional power among some policymakers and academics — a bastion of certain normative values standing for the marginalised in the global South. Examples of India's supposed moral foreign policy abound. However, a closer examination of India's foreign policy since its independence in 1947 suggests that India's foreign policy calculations tend to be infused with classical realism. Case studies of India's position on non-alignment during the Cold War, India's relations with Israel and South Africa, and its position within IBSA all point to realpolitik rather than any attempt to change the status quo in favour of some notion of ‘Southern solidarity’. This article concludes that the future of India's foreign policy will be determined even less by ideological underpinnings and more by situational factors such as its economic imperatives and its regional security situation. This historical overview of India's foreign policy sees the triumph of realism over idealism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States–India nuclear agreement, announced in 2005, was a first step in the process to normalise India's international nuclear relations despite the fact that India is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Africa is largely seen as a uranium supplier rather than nuclear power producer in the world nuclear order. The position that African states take towards Africa–India nuclear cooperation, uranium supply to India in particular, is informed by two seemingly contrasting factors, namely economic and political pragmatism on the one hand, and non-proliferation imperatives and norms on the other. The African Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, also referred to as the Pelindaba Treaty, prohibits uranium and nuclear-related exports to states without comprehensive safeguards of their nuclear facilities, but the case of India is still open for interpretation. Africa and India's shared post-colonial consciousness, manifesting in their historical ties, membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and South–South cooperation, is often regarded as another factor facilitating Africa–India nuclear relations. A more critical view points to the different notions of post-coloniality in Africa and India, resulting in different approaches to nuclear non-proliferation that constrain their nuclear relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum was launched in June 2003 to push for these countries' bids for a place on the United Nation' Security Council, but IBSA's attention has shifted over time towards development and economic reform. This article discusses the progress in addressing social development challenges within the member countries of IBSA. It examines the social achievements of IBSA members, in the context of their economic performance and the Millennium Development Goals. It also assesses the forces which propel these societies' social policies, especially the influence of civil society, and whether there has been benefit in this regard in their collaboration within the IBSA forum. Their experiences show the critical importance of civil society in design and execution of programmes directed towards the poor, an important factor to be kept in mind by multilateral and bilateral agencies involved in poverty alleviation projects in developing countries. The three nations could cooperate to share ideas for effective social welfare programmes, and join together in multilateral forums to form a powerful voice for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional powers such as China, India, Russia, and to a lesser degree Brazil and South Africa, now occupy a significant role on the world stage. The United States, while still enjoying superpower status, has taken note. At the same time, the transnational nature of the challenges facing the world will require multilateral and bilateral co-operation perhaps unprecedented in modern history. How will the United States respond to these new requisites within the context of this changed world? While it is too early to assess the Obama administration's foreign policy substantively, it looks to be adopting an approach emphasising the building of consensus and multilateralism in its international engagement. Moreover, there is reason to expect that it will actively seek a more constructive set of relationships with regional powers. United States domestic political constraints may yet hamper Obama in this new approach, as might the type of response the new administration receives from old and new powers to its overtures. Whether the changes are more in tone than substance remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the trade and investment relations of India to Africa. It notes that the trade patterns of the two countries have developed in which India's deal with Africa had been doubled from 5.5 to 12.24 billion dollars in 2006-07. It states that India had introduced various initiatives such as the Pan African Network to give tele-medicine and tele-education benefits to Africa. It speculates that India will become a vital export destination for many African countries in the future.

The article discusses the relations between India and South Africa. It notes that the relations of India and South Africa started in the 17th century, in which both are committed to inclusive economic development, social justice and democracy by establishing the joint ministerial commission (JMC) in 1995. It states the discords on the relations of the two countries are arms deal corruption and nuclear issue as India refused to sign proliferation agreements.

The article discusses the relations of India and other countries at the African Indian Ocean Rim. It notes that New Delhi is keeping a particular relation with Mauritius because the latter has strong Indian population and is the former's biggest offshore investor. It cites that India is monitoring the Chinese and Pakistani movement in the ocean and strengthen its defence and engagement to Indian Ocean islands such as Madagascar, Seychelles and Mozambique as part of its 2004 maritime doctrine.

The article discusses the relations of India and Pakistan with Africa. It cites that India has introduced multifaceted policy initiatives and keeps diplomatic relations with 26 states in Africa. It notes that the interaction of Pakistan with Africa in peacekeeping operations of United Nations (UN) is the former's major contribution to the latter. It states that Pakistan's effort to Africa had been outperformed by India due to lack of significant policy.

The article discusses the contribution and role of India as keeper of Africa's peace and security under the United Nation peacekeeping operations (UNKPO). It states that troops from India have been deployed to take part in Africa's peril missions and have endured more casualties compared to other UN peacekeepers. It notes that India had made substantial contribution to retain peace at Mozambique and has been the vanguard of Africa's antiapartheid and anti-colonial movements.

The article discusses the South-South Cooperation of the India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) political alliance. It notes that IBSA's agenda focuses on the trilateral cooperation on security, bio-fuels, trade, research and development, and social development. It speculates that the initiatives of IBSA such as the United Nations (UN) reform will demonstrate slower progress. It advises that IBSA must settle their views on nuclear disarmament and World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiation issues.

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses the India-Africa Forum on April 4-8, 2008 in India, an article about the political relationship between India and Africa by Anand Sharma, and on the two billion dollar investment of Indian government-backed Oil and Natural Gas Corp. Ltd. in eight African countries by Devika Sharma and Deepti Mahajan.