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Forced migration traumatizes millions displaced from their homes, but little is known about the few who manage to stay and become a minority in a new society. We study the case of German stayers in Sudetenland, a region from which Czechoslovakia expelled ethnic Germans after World War Two. The unexpected presence of the US Army in parts of 1945 Czechoslovakia resulted in more anti-fascist Germans avoiding displacement compared to regions liberated by the Red Army. We study the long-run impacts of this local variation in the presence of left-leaning stayers and find that Communist party support and local party cell frequencies, as well as far-left values and social policies are more pronounced today where anti-fascist Germans stayed in larger numbers. Our findings also suggest that political identity supplanted German ethnic identity among anti-fascist stayers. The German staying minority shaped the political identity of newly formed local societies after ethnic cleansing by providing the ‘small seed’ of political development.

During the late 20th century Indonesia resettled 300,000 farmers to the restive province of West Papua, transforming its demographic composition. Such resettlement, or ‘transmigration’, was quite limited until the mid-1980s and restricted to only certain areas of West Papua. What accounts for the incidence of transmigration? Using a panel of all transmigration, ethnic cleansing and demographic change data in each regency of West Papua during 1964-2000 compiled from confidential government sources, I show that, after an aborted Papuan uprising in 1984, Indonesia cleansed and settled its border with Papua New Guinea to forestall cross-border insurgent activity. I then show that after the Grasberg gold mine was opened in 1990 Indonesia cleansed and settled the area around the mine. This paper provides the strongest evidence yet that transmigration has been strategically used by Jakarta to defeat secessionist insurgents and to secure control over Papua’s rich resource base.

American slavery was a system of theft – theft of life, of human dignity, of family, of safety, of identity, of property, and of home. After the abolition of slavery, that theft continued through Jim Crow and state-sponsored racial terror. As Black families acquired land and other property despite that institutionalized terror, they commonly had their property stolen. One result of this legacy of theft is America’s profound racial segregation and wealth inequality. As America responds to the renewed momentum in the fight for Black reparations, the country must grapple with how to address the full legacy of the land theft and displacement born from slavery. The right to return has long been used internationally as a legal and conceptual framework to protect ethnic minorities who were the victims of ethnic cleansing. It is a demand for people who have been displaced from their country, community, or home to return with safety, dignity, and support. This essay explores how the right to return framework can be used to advance reparations for slavery, Jim Crow, and the decades of racial violence that forced Black people out of their homes, businesses, and communities. Reparations grounded in this right would acknowledge the centuries of harm to Black people who were driven from their homes through America’s ethnic cleansing and endeavor to bring those people, their descendants, and members of the community home, assist them in rebuilding their lives, or compensate them for their loss.

This chapter analyzes the role of anti-Islam and anti-Muslim discourse in North American and European ‘illiberal’ parties, movements, and ideologies. Its first aim is to situate those deployments in a longer history. Occidental engagements with Islam and Muslims, including anti-Islamic tropes, long predate the emergence of liberalism, let along illiberalism. It should not be a surprise that liberalism as it emerged in the nineteenth century partook of such ideas. Contra some theorists, however, I argue that there is no strong evidence that anti-Islam was constitutive of liberal theory or early practice. Rather, it was in the second half of the twentieth century, as mass migration from Africa and Asia to Europe and North America came to be viewed through a fraught geopolitical lens, that various conflicts emerged over ‘assimilation’ and ‘integration.’ These precipitated today’s perceived (if not actual) juxtapositions between Islam and liberalism. It is out of these disjunctions that the current anti-Islamic discourse of illiberal political formations emerges. Such illiberal deployment of Islam hence reflect an extension and modification of liberal political discourse. Ironically, at the extreme, they are transformed into justifications of mass murder and violent ethnic cleansing. The history of anti-Islamic conceptions in illiberalism hence illuminates the unintended and paradoxical trajectory of political ideas.

In this paper Dr. Simon Adams tests the resilience of the international community’s commitment to defending human rights and upholding its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The paper highlights the failure to respond to patterns of discrimination that eventually led to a genocide in Myanmar (Burma) during 2017. But it also draws attention to other recent situations, such as in the Gambia, when the international community seized the moment to respond in a timely and decisive manner to an emerging threat of devastating conflict. In doing so, Adams emphasizes that even when bodies such as the UN Security Council appear paralyzed and inert, a mobilized international community can still act to prevent atrocities, protect vulnerable populations, and hold the perpetrators accountable.

Borders have always been used to determine a territory within which firm control is supposed to be established. Borders in Europe were mostly drawn up after massive and bloody wars. Drawing up borders in the Balkans was always followed by violence and ethnic cleansing. Yugoslav external borders were solid during the 20th century and the attempts of their expansion were justified by ethnic criteria (requests for deeper penetration into the West – Carinthia, for example, after First and Second World War) and ideological reasons (intentions of solving the national question of Macedonians and Albanians in Yugoslavia were in the background of the idea of the establishment of a Balkan federation with Bulgaria and Albania). Internal Yugoslav borders had their historical justification and the independent countries that emerged from Yugoslavia were recognised in their existing borders. The current intentions of “correcting the borders” between Balkan independent countries represents going back to the circumstances of the 1990s. These ideas are very dangerous because drawing up new borders in a controlled and a peaceful manner would be impossible. Possible “corrections of border” between Serbia and Kosovo would most certainly reflect on the rest of the Balkans and this is why it would be best not to start this process in the first place. In case that the “border correction” process is launched, the only option to keep the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina under control is a robust military presence in B&H and readiness to genuine and efficient military action. Without this, Bosnia and Herzegovina would have slim chances of maintaining its existing borders. Besides this, changing the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina would lead to a new wave of violence and ethnic cleansing with uncertain consequences. In case of braking up Bosnia and Herzegovina, there would be no more possibility of building a civil and tolerant society on its ruins. Logical radicalisation of situation in such Bosnia and Herzegovina could not be controlled or fenced by walls. This would not be a problem for the Balkans only, but for Europe as well.

Eritrea borders the southern Red Sea in the Horn of Africa. It emerged as an Italian colonial construct in the nineteenth century, which was superimposed over indigenous populations. Eritrea’s current population is between 4.4 and 5.9 million inhabitants. There are at least four indigenous peoples: the Afar (between 4 and 12%), Kunama (2%), Saho (4%) and Nara (>1%). These groups have inhabited their traditional territories for approximately two thousand years. They are distinct from the two dominant ethnic groups by language (four different languages), religion (Islam), economy (agro and nomadic pastoral), law (customary), culture and way of life. All four indigenous groups are marginalized and persecuted. The current regime waged a thirty year national liberation struggle which succeeded in a taking power in 1991, and effected secession from Ethiopia in 1993 to form a new State. A form of Eritrean nationalism emanates from the two large ethnic groups which control power and resources. It is based on suppressing sub-state identities which the elites see as threatening to the nation building process. In particular, the indigenous peoples have been pressured by the government’s policy of eradicating identification along regional and religious lines. The regime expropriates indigenous lands without compensation, and has partially cleansed indigenous peoples from their traditional territories by violence. The existence of indigenous peoples as intact communities is under threat by government policies aimed at destroying indigenous cultures, economies, landholdings and, for some, their nomadic and pastoral lifestyles. Eritrea is a party to the CERD, CEDAW and CRC but not to ILO Convention 169 or the UNDRIP. It is the subject of complaints to the UNHRC (which has sustained the allegations) and to the Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples. The complaints allege mass murder, ethnic cleansing, displacement of indigenous peoples from their traditional territories and intentional destruction of the indigenous economy.

Africa as a continent has continued to face changes in conflicts which have led to the insecurity within its borders. The insecurity has been seen largely in form of coups, genocides, ethnic cleansing, xenophobia, and lately rampant of all is electoral insecurity. This very latter form seems to be institutionalized through democracy. The other cause of insecurity that is sporadic but also dreadful as electoral conflicts, is terrorism. Many factors can be attributed to the changing nature of African conflicts; the collapse of communism and the creation of a unipolar system under the United States administration.

The international community has often proven incapable of dealing with state-led crimes against humanity, and Myanmar could prove another missed milestone. The International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a decision in early September this year ruling that it has jurisdiction over the deportations (ethnic cleansing) of the Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh. The landmark decision by the ICC was based on the prosecution’s request dated for a ruling on jurisdiction for the crime of deportation under the Rome Statute, the founding document of the Court.

After Myanmar ended military rule in 2011, significant foreign investment arrived to facilitate a profitable transition to an integrated regional economy, and under the promise that foreign actors can help facilitate peaceful long-term development. However, these firms have also tacitly supported an ethnic cleansing committed by the government that most have partnered with or funded. This article builds theory on economic opening, development and conflict, using research from Myanmar to forward three arguments about business actions in fragile, at-risk countries. First, international-led regulatory reform has had little impact on endemic corruption at the micro or meso levels, as local elites and international businesses remain the primary beneficiaries. Second, ‘development’ is a contentious topic, defined locally not as broad societal growth but the unjustified picking of winners and losers in society by foreign entities. Third, business ventures are exacerbating ethnic tensions through a liberal peacebuilding mentality that is unresponsive to either local conflicts or local communities. The article closes by offering three ways that these findings build theory on business engagement as peacebuilders and development agents in developing yet fragile states.

Burma became an independent state in 1948 and in 1989, the name of the country was changed from Burma to Myanmar. The nation building and the rise of nationalism in Burma had turned into identity-based conflicts. A nation wide hatred to wards Rohingyas developed during the 1970's and later, turned into a social conflict and was encouraged and backed by the military rulers. The citizenship Act of 1982, clearly secures indigenous status to each person who was a permanent resident of Arakan prior to 1825. The international media and Human Rights organizations have recognized Rohingya population of Myanmar as the world's most persecuted minority. Since the independence of Burma, Rohingyas are not being included in Burma's list of 124 official minorities. Rohingyas have been discriminated on the basis of their ethnicity and religion. They are also being deprived of their 'citizenship right' and have been denied by the Burmese rulers of their basic human, political, economic and social rights. They were forced by the majority Buddhist rulers of Burma to live a sub-human life within their country. Onslaughts on Rohingyas by the Buddhists regime have made them stateless within the state and millions became refugees. Over a million of refugees are now being camped in Bangladesh and nearly two millions of them are scattered across the globe. The latest onslaught in August 2017, forced over half a million Rohingyas to flee into Bangladesh and to worsen the refugee crisis at its present level. In this study, three research questions were raised and have been addressed with relevant documents and proofs in order to find their answers. First of all, an effort has been made to prove that the Rohingya people are the genuine citizens of Myanmar as their identity is in dispute.The second question dealt with their experiences of sufferings and plight that they have gone through the decades. They have been subjected to barbaric and heinous acts such as 'genocide' and 'ethnic cleansing operation' and being conducted by successive Myanmar regimes. The third question was about the potential threat to regional stability and peace in South and South-East Asia stemming out of this crisis. The relevant discussion highlights the depth of a possible turmoil in the region if timely measures are not taken to diffuse the crisis with utmost priority.

The paper makes a critical analysis of the conflict in the Central African Republic which began as a simple military coup but has gradually degenerated into a humanitarian disaster as clashes between rival militia groups have produced severe civilian casualties. The situation is made even more complex as the anti-balaka Christian militias have embarked on a systematic ethnic cleansing of Muslims and the AU led international peacekeepers supported by French forces are visibly overwhelmed by the unfolding crisis. It is argued here that religious polarization is perpetuating the conflict and the lethargic attitude of the international community to implement the Responsibility to Protect may, once again, result to genocide similar to Rwanda. The crisis is analyzed within the conceptual framework of Jonathan Fox’s theory of ethno-religious conflicts.

It is the aim of this paper is to explore the role pivotal states play as security providers and what impact they have in particular on regional security governance. The choice to base the analysis at the regional level is due to the relative stability some regions have been able to achieve and the way regional (in)stability can be seen as a sub-set of global governance. The paper will make use of the concept of security governance. Given the growing interaction between national and regional actors in the decision making of regional security governance, a state-centric approach is insufficient as a framework of analysis. Security governance covers threats that have to do with potential or actual violence: terrorism, war and counter insurgency, ethnic cleansing, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, massive human rights violence, and organised crime, as well as issues that have to do with natural disasters: famines, pandemics, cyber warfare, and even financial crises.

The aim of this research is to compare the process in Nagorno-Karabakh and Kosovo conflicts in context of ethnic cleansing policy. In this research as my hypothesis I claim that the process in Nagorno-Karabakh (1992-1993) is precedent as an ethnic cleansing to the process in Kosovo (1998-1999) in terms of violations against civilian population. In international law, ethnic cleansing is defined as international crime or crimes against humanity. Ethnic cleansing in both Kosovo and Nagorno-Karabakh cases includes the intended and planned changing of the ethnic-demographic situation through violations of human rights such as intimidation, forcible exclusion of civilian population, killing of civilians, sexual violence, rape and torture, systematically destructing, looting and burning of civilian property which targeted to make impossible the return of inhabitants to their homes. Although the UNSC resolutions on Kosovo and Nagorno-Karabakh conflict didn’t officially include ethnic cleansing as a term, the elements of ethnic cleansing are mentioned in those resolutions.

Can combat experience foster organizational skills that engender political collective action? We use the arbitrary assignment of troops to frontline combat in World War 2 to identify the effect of combat experience on two channels that change local ethnic composition and future political control: ethnic cleansing and co-ethnic immigration. During the Partition of South Asia in 1947, an environment where national borders were themselves endogenous to ethnic composition, we find that ethnically mixed districts whose veterans gained more combat experience exhibit greater co-ethnic immigration and ethnic cleansing. However, where ethnic groups had been in complementary economic roles or the minority received greater combat experience, there was relatively less minority ethnic cleansing. We interpret these results as reflecting the substitute roles of ethnic cleansing and co-ethnic immigration in altering local ethnic composition to gain political control and the role of combat experience in enhancing organizational skill that facilitates political collective action.

War always portrays a detrimental phenomenon to show one’s superiority. Existing world respects those who are powerhouse and ignores those who lack strength. Sometime war is merely fought to preserve self respect and honour, and sometime it is merely fought for lustful gains. Phrases and purposes of war are innumerable and extensive. Women and infant are most vulnerable section of society who bears the disgrace of war. Men are slaughtered, leaving behind a widow and impoverished children. But trajectory of battlefield has been tremendously lowered in modern warfare. War strategies have been exceeded its ethnic boundaries, resulting in immoral treatment of enemies. Modern warfare includes rape as an instrument of genocide, with devastating effects. It is used as a threat to displace Villagers, to inflict fear and terror into communities and to punish the ‘enemy’. It is used to humiliate, destabilize and destroy certain populations while also providing sexual services for soldiers and reinforcing the hatred of the enemy. This paper presents findings itself as a doctrinal research on unethical strategies of modern warfare. Plagued by destitution, political instability and bloody confrontations among rival armed groups, modern war strategies endures violence based and unethical conduct. Human rights violations against women and girls, included killing, rape and other sexual violence, sexual slavery, slave labour, abduction, assault, amputation, forced pregnancy, disembowelment of pregnant women, torture, trafficking, mutilation, theft and the destruction of property. Violence based strategies includes rape as weapon of war or mass scale genocide of women individuality. Research paper also includes some of the incident which reflects use of gender based violence to take under advantage in war. How Yugoslavian media demonstrated rape as a means to earn political sympathy through raising national sentiments of Serbian ethnic groups; rather than attack on individual womanhood. Whereas same Yugoslavian government used to refer mass rape of Bosnian Muslim female as ‘Ethnic Cleansing’. In another such incident, a mother was shocked to find 10 month baby being raped by paramilitary in Congo. Sometimes sexual violence may also be systematic, carried out by fighting forces for the explicit purpose of destabilizing populations and destroying bonds within communities and families. While the violence in Darfur is a human rights atrocity for all Darfurians, the situation on the ground is especially dangerous for women because the Janjaweed militiamen are employing rape and other acts of sexual violence as systematic weapons of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Gender based violence also exists in the war affected area in the form of rape, human trafficking , slavery and Sexual violence based method of modern war or genocide leaves behind many atrocities such as psychological impact of rape and sexual violence on women as well as society. Paper also investigates the action taken by United Nations Funds for development of women. It also suggests futuristic strategies which would deal with gender based violence as weapon of war. Security Council in 2008 demanded for action against those powers that uses sexual violence as tactics in war.

Can combat experience foster organizational skills that engender political collective action? We use the arbitrary assignment of troops to combat in World War II to identify the effect of combat experience on two channels that change local ethnic composition and future political control: ethnic cleansing and co-ethnic immigration. During the Partition of South Asia, we find that ethnically mixed districts whose veterans were exposed to greater combat exhibited greater co-ethnic immigration and minority ethnic cleansing, with minority out-migration achieved with lower loss-of-life. Further, where ethnic groups had been in complementary economic roles or the minority received greater combat experience, there was less ethnic cleansing. We interpret these results as reflecting the strategic role of ethnic cleansing and co-ethnic immigration by groups seeking political control and the role of combat experience in enhancing organizational skills at credibly threatening violence and engaging in collective action.

Chameria region begins from South of Albania, Northwest region in Greece. The name Cham has been associated with the people that have lived in the area close to the river with the same name (Thyam). Chams (Cam or Came) and the Greek name Tsamides (Τσάμηδeς). Chameria has been populated mostly by Albanian Muslims including Yanina (Ioanina),the capital of Southern Albania. According to more than 20 diplomats, historians, geographers Greeks, Turks and Europeans have identified Illyrian Macedonians and Epiriotes (Chams), as far as Yanina (Ioanina) as Albanians. Grestner, an Austro-Hungarian Albanalog has stated: There have been two different views on these people. The Greek view is that they are Turk-Albanians. This had to do for the reason that this population belongs partly of Islamic faith. Whereas the other view point considers them Albanians. For this they base it on language and race, where Orthodox and Cham Muslims have been identified, when most of them were converted to Islam. Contentious arguments are brought from both sides in this issue. One side argues that both groups Muslims and Orthodox Cham have been subject to ethnic cleansing, genocide and assimilation imposed by Greek state in different periods. On the other side Greek administrations have not acknowledged such Albanian ethnic identity and their presence. According to them, such population left - due to the fear of being brought to justice. This argument is based on the facts that Cham Muslims collaborated with Germans during WWII. When dealing with this Cham population that belongs to the Christian Orthodox religion have been called Greeks. Indeed such idea would find ground only as much as Albanian catholic would be roman. In the authors’ opinion the main reason for this is the policy of Greece used on the assimilation and division of Chams on religious lines. The policy of all Greek governments has been to ethnically cleanse all Albanian population from the region, (with the exception of short lived Pangallo’s government that tried to solve such issue). Referring to the witnessed reports and many other documents, the persecution and discriminations were a daily occurrence toward Cham Albanians since the annexation of this region to Greece in 1913. The legal perspective would highlight the path to solution. Of course if the Greek administration stops denying and hindering the democratic process in continuance of hiding the Genocide and ethnic cleansing to all "others", in Greece.

In a society emerging from political violence, the contestation over narratives about that past - who tells what and to whom - is an expected outcome of the continuation of conflict by other means. From concerns about the UK’s Ministry of Defence censoring the Saville Inquiry report into Bloody Sunday in Derry, to internet claims of ‘ethnic cleansing’ by groups like FAIR in County Armagh, ‘telling your story’ has become an important part of the peace process in the North of Ireland.

The movement by which individuals permanently change their place of residence from one country to another is known as immigration. Emigration is also applied to the same phenomenon from the point of view of the place of departure. Though immigration is a movement of individuals, it differs from large transfers of population owing to other factors such as invasions, natural disasters, the drift of nomadic tribes, and the organized settlement of empty spaces. It is also distinguished from forced transfers of population. Thus immigration is voluntary migration within one’s country, region, or beyond and it differs from involuntary migration which includes slave trade, human trafficking, and fleeing ethnic cleansing etc.

As a result of the dissolution of Yugoslavia, ethnic conflict in the Balkans was particularly harsh during the 1990’s. Civil war erupted in Bosnia and Herzegovina between Serb, Croat, and Bosniak groups; this war spread easily across the fluid borders of the former Yugoslavia into Croatia and Slovenia. Additionally, Slobodan Milosevic led a bloody campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Albanians of Kosovo. The war-torn streets and the vacant, damaged buildings remain today as evidence of this violent decade. The people who once inhabited these buildings fled amidst the conflict, with many remaining displaced today. One of the hardest hit ethnic groups was the Roma of northern Kosovo. Ethnic groups of the Balkans are divided by language, culture, and religion, and they hold strong prejudices against each other, especially the Roma. That the Roma are geographically interspersed among the other ethnic populations of the region make ethnic tensions more prominent. In this paper, I examine the internal displacement of the Roma in northern Kosovo and the international community’s failure to provide an effective remedy to redress their injuries. In Section II, I discuss the events leading up to the displacement, including the civil strife within the former Yugoslavia and international involvement led by NATO and the UN Security Council. The Security Council established the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) through Resolution 1244, which was legally responsible for safeguarding the rights and civil liberties of the people of Kosovo. I also discuss the Kosovo Liberation Army’s (KLA) attack on the Roma Mahalla and the subsequent internal displacement of the Roma. While the majority of the inhabitants fled the country and region, some stayed behind and were placed in displacement camps of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Conditions in the camps were terribly unhealthy, but the response of the international civil presence, UNMIK, was slow and ultimately unsuccessful.In Section III, I discuss the potential legal obligations of UNMIK by examining the law in place during the UNMIK’s nine-year administration. Despite enacting a comprehensive legal system, which included obligations to comply with numerous international treaties, the administration has refused to be held accountable for its failure to protect Roma rights. I argue that UNMIK should work with the Roma community to find an adequate and sustainable housing solution. Providing housing would not completely ameliorate the Roma community’s economic problems, but it is a step towards rebuilding the Roma Mahalla, which was destroyed during UNMIK’s watch. I also examine whether the Republic of Kosovo or Serbia can and should be held liable for the abuse of the Roma.In Section IV, I focus on the Roma who have resettled in Western Europe. Countries such as France, Germany, and the UK have aided thousands of Roma refugees in compliance with their obligations under the Refugee Convention. Giving temporary shelter for refugees, however, does not equate to citizenship, and these countries have set forth an ambitious forcible return policy of the RAE. I examine the likely consequences of these repatriation agreements between the Republic of Kosovo and governments of Western European countries, which unfairly subjects returnees to the possibility of refoulement as well as placing extreme pressure Kosovo’s limited government resources. Kosovo’s government is making preparations for the inevitable influx of population. Though international aid groups — both governments and NGOs — can and should do more to support Kosovo’s returnees, Western European countries can help the most by delaying these deportations.

The chapter starts by sketching out the specific historical parameters in which genocide will be examined, before going on to examine genocide in three distinct frameworks. Firstly, in a legal framework, genocide can be understood as a crime distinct from a broader category of war crimes, and can be isolated from a broader category of political killings. Three specific elements of the legal category of genocide will be examined: the quantitative threshold of genocide, the question of intent, and the more recent incorporation of ethnic cleansing as a form of genocide. The moral and political use of the term will then be explored briefly. Thirdly historical and sociological efforts to define and explain genocide in terms of perpetrators, victims and the relationship between the two will be examined. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the challenge of assessing the prevalence of genocide, even within a strictly bounded period, and touches on recent developments in the response to genocide and other crimes against humanity.

1989 was described as ‘annus mirabilis’, and its revolutions hailed as one of the great moments in human history. In subsequent years, the re-emergence of war, genocide and terror led to re-interpretation: Europe became a dark continent, the 20th century its darkest hour. Was 1989 merely a bright moment in a dark age?This contribution acknowledges European war, genocide and terror and examines in some detail the contribution of this history to the self-limiting or negotiated revolutions of 1989. It is argued that horrific violence – Stalinist terror, World War II, the Cold War as well as genocide, ethnic cleansing and deportation – resulted processes that contributed to the revolutions of 1989 in the following ways:• The legacy of Stalinist terror resulted in a structural stasis that prefigured the breakdown of the Soviet empire;• Integration into global warfare enabled the perpetuation of Soviet rule but also provided the window of opportunity for overturning the Soviet legacy: • State building was constrained by the Soviet imperial cage but ultimately resulted in independent states and societies able to purposefully organise change after 1989.The argument is that the self-limiting or negotiated revolution of 1989 (Staniszkis 1984, Lawson 2005) was more than just a utopian moment in that it contains a new idea for organizing large-scale, rapid social and political change, which is relevant the twenty-first century. Contrary to received historical wisdom, revolutions may in future be the non-violent means of organising large-scale and rapid change, if negotiated.

In light of the 2007 decision by the International Court of Justice in Bosnia's ethnic cleansing suit against Yugoslavia, the question is raised at a symposium being held September 28 at Case Western Reserve School of Law as to whether the Genocide Convention constitutes a viable legal tool to stop atrocities perpetrated by a state. This article assesses the possibilities for using the Genocide Convention to this end. While a state may, as the ICJ decided in the 2007 case, sue another state for genocide, the utility of the Genocide Convention is limited by the court's restrictive view of what constitutes genocide in the ethnic cleansing situation, and by the fact that many states are not subject to the court's jurisdiction if they commit genocide.

This Response Submission to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights was prepared by Gay J. McDougall and Charles J. Ogletree to supplement an original petition submitted on this matter by Global Rights and Professor Ogletree. The petition alleges U.S. violations of the human rights of African Americans resulting from racially-motivated rioting in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The 1921 attacks on the African American community in Tulsa were nothing less than acts of ethnic cleansing and constituted a massive violation of the jus cogens norm against racial discrimination. It was a crime against humanity in the nature of ethnic cleansing to which no statute of limitations should attach. The Response Submission notes that the Victims did not file claims in the US courts until 2001 for the following reasons: 1) The intimidation and fear which were the intended consequences of the riots created a barrier to seeking judicial relief in that most victims feared for their lives. 2) The judicial system as a whole in Oklahoma was structurally biased against justice for African American claimants in general and lacked the constitutionally required components for access to an impartial and fair system of justice for African Americans as opposed to white Americans. 3) In any event until 2001, the identity of the assailants had been purposely concealed. It was not discoverable until the Tulsa Commission (which operated as a Truth Commission) uncovered new and substantial evidence that state actors played a pivotal role in the violence and issued its report in 2001. Prior to that time, the riot was presented as involving only private actors. The statute of limitations in this matter should have begun to run only in 2001 when the victims first became aware of the state culpability with regard to the riots.

The present work depicts and analyses macro-factors that contributed to the emergence of ethnic conflict at Kosovo province in former Yugoslavia. Geographical, historical, political, economical, sociological, anthropological, and psychosocial factors are considered in order to explain the conflicting nature of Yugoslav regions and the independent movements developed among its Balkan cultures. Kosovo‘s conflict is then defined as both a religious and ethnic one but promoted by economical interests of national and international agents. Our reflections on the matter pointed out that power imbalance between primary parts, politics of autarchy, symbolic strategies around ―ethnic cleansing‖, sacred ideologies, and political pressures of outer countries are on the origin of this ethnic conflict. The definition of ―nation‖ is then de constructed to explain achievements of economical positions. Finally, the potential of a renewing war between Albanian and Serbian groups at Kosovo is also carefully thought using this theoretical analysis and content analysis of Spanish recent columns from three main newspapers of different social ideology.