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This paper provides a broad picture of national, regional and global trends of inequality in length of life over the period 1950–2015. We use data on life tables from World Population Prospects to develop a comprehensive database of a battery of inequality measures for 201 countries at five-year intervals over the period under analysis. We estimate both absolute and relative inequality measures which have the property of being additively decomposable. This property makes the database remarkably flexible because overall inequality can be computed for any group of countries using only the information included in our database. The decomposition analysis reveals that differences in life expectancy between countries account for a very small portion of the observed changes in global inequality in length of life, evolution of which is large driven by within country variation. Our estimates indicate that inequality in length of life has decreased sharply since 1950, a reduction that can be largely attributed to the substantial progress made in reducing child mortality worldwide. We also observe a degree of heterogeneity in the distributional patters of inequality in length of life across world regions.

Drawing on newly published macroeconomic statistics, this paper estimates the amount of household wealth owned by each country in offshore tax havens. The equivalent of 10% of world GDP is held in tax havens globally, but this average masks a great deal of heterogeneity - from a few percent of GDP in Scandinavia, to about 15% in Continental Europe, and 60% in Gulf countries and some Latin American economies. We use these estimates to construct revised series of top wealth shares in ten countries, which account for close to half of world GDP. Because offshore wealth is very concentrated at the top, accounting for it increases the top 0.01% wealth share substantially in Europe, even in countries that do not use tax havens extensively. It has considerable effects in Russia, where the vast majority of wealth at the top is held offshore. These results highlight the importance of looking beyond tax and survey data to study wealth accumulation among the very rich in a globalized world.

The bulk of global inequality is accounted for by income differences across countries rather than within countries. Expanding trade with China has aggravated inequality in some advanced economies, while ameliorating global inequality. But the 'China shock' is receding and other low-income countries are unlikely to replicate China's export-oriented industrialization experience. Relaxing restrictions on cross-border labor mobility might have an even stronger positive effect on global inequality. However it also raises a similar tension. While there would likely be adverse effects on low-skill workers in the advanced economies, international labor mobility has some advantages compared to further liberalizing international trade in goods. I argue that none of the contending perspectives -- national-egalitarian, cosmopolitan, utilitarian -- provides on its own an adequate frame for evaluating the consequences.

This online appendix to "The Openness-Equality Trade-Off in Global Redistribution" includes derivations, estimation details and robustness checks.The paper "The Openness-Equality Trade-Off in Global Redistribution" may be found at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2509305.

Despite the growing interest in global inequality, assessing inequality trends is a major challenge becauseindividual data on income or consumption is not often available. Nevertheless, the periodic release of cer-tain summary statistics of the income distribution has become increasingly common. Hence, groupeddata in form of income shares have been conventionally used to construct inequality trends based onlower bound approximations of inequality measures. This approach introduces two potential sourcesof measurement error: first, these estimates are constructed under the assumption of equality of incomeswithin income shares; second, the highest income earners are not included in the household surveysfrom which grouped data is obtained. In this paper, we propose to deploy a flexible parametric model,which addresses these two issues in order to obtain a reliable representation of the income distributionand accurate estimates of inequality measures. This methodology is used to estimate the recent evolutionof global interpersonal inequality from 1990 to 2015 and to examine the effect of survey under-coverageof top incomes on the level and direction of global inequality. Overall, we find that item non-response atthe top of the distribution substantially biases global inequality estimates, but, more importantly, itmight also affect the direction of the trends. The authors hereby acknowledge UNU-WIDER and the project World Inequality where an earlier version of this study was published. The authors are grateful to Stephen Jenkins, Branko Milanovic, Nora Lustig, Juan Gabriel Rodriguez, Gustavo Marrero, Roy Van der Weide and participants at the UM Sustainability and Development Conference, Seventh ECINEQ Meeting, the 33th Annual Congress of the European Economic Association, and UNU-WIDER internal seminar series for helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Vanesa Jorda wishes to acknowledge financial support from the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Project ECO2016-76203-C2-1-P).

This paper summarizes a comprehensive revision and update of UTIP's work on the inequality of pay and incomes around the world, covering the years 1963 to 2008. The new UTIP-UNIDO data set of industrial pay inequality has 4054 country-year observations over for 167 countries, while the updated and revised EHII data set of estimated gross household income inequality has 3871 observations over 149 countries. The paper also provides comparisons of the EHII data set with a wide range of measures and estimates drawn from other work. They show in general that EHII is a reliable reflection of trends, and a reasonable, though not perfect, estimator of the levels of inequality found in surveys. These updates, revisions and quality checks were supported by a grant from the Institute for New Economic Thinking.

The interplay of between- and within-country inequality, the relative contribution of each to overall global inequality, and the implications this has for who benefits from recent global growth (and by how much), has become a significant avenue for economic research. However, drawing conclusions from the commonly used aggregate inequality indices such as the Gini and Theil makes it difficult to take a nuanced view of how global growth interacts with changing national and international inequality.

This working paper: (i) provides an overview of global, regional and national income inequalities based on the latest distribution data from the World Bank, UNU-WIDER and Eurostat; (ii) discusses the negative implications of rising income inequality for development; (iii) calls for placing equity at the center of development in the context of the United Nations development agenda; (iv) describes the likelihood of inequalities being exacerbated during the global economic crisis; (v) advocates for urgent policy changes at national and international levels to ensure a “Recovery for All”; and, (vi) to serve as a general reference source, Annex 2 provides a summary of the most up-to-date income distribution and inequality data for 141 countries.

We compare absolute, relative and intermediate views on the evolution of global inequality between 1980 and 2009. According to the relative view, inequality remains invariant after a uniform proportional change of all incomes whereas the absolute view requires invariance to a uniform change of all incomes with the same amount. We use a generic intermediate view which states that an income distribution is as unequal as another one if it can be obtained as a weighted average of a uniform proportional and a uniform absolute change of the incomes. Using recent data on GDP per capita for 115 countries, we …nd considerable support for the claim that world inequality increased for the absolute view and for intermediate views which move substantially in the direction of the relative view.

Using social tables, we make an estimate of global inequality (inequality among world citizens) in early 19th century. We then show that the level and composition of global inequality have changed over the last two centuries. The level has increased reaching a high plateau around 1950s, and the main determinants of global inequality have become differences in mean country incomes rather than inequalities within nations. The inequality extraction ratio (the percentage of total inequality that was extracted by global elites) has remained surprisingly stable, at around 70 percent of the maximum global Gini, during the last 100 years.

Global inequality between world citizens, using the new PPP data (just published as part of the 2005 ICP), is estimated to be about 70 Gini points. This is some 4-5 Gini points higher than previously thought. The increases are even greater if one uses the Theil index.

We decompose global inequality in educational achievement into within- and betweencountry components. We find that the former is significantly larger. This is different than results for international income inequality, but similar to results for international health inequality.