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In the last few years in the U.S. and especially since the publication of Stephanie Kelton’s book, The Deficit Myth (Kelton, 2020) in Europe, the so-called Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) has been gaining prominence in the media and the public. This paper exposes the main proposals of MMT in the light of their doctrinal sources, also confronting them with economic facts and with other currents of economic thought. The first part deals with the approach to money and monetary policy developed by MMT, the second part with its recommendations regarding fiscal policy and aggregate demand management, the third part with the structural policies it advocates, the fourth part with the international aspects of MMT. The fifth part concludes. Overall, it appears that MMT is based on an outdated approach to economics and that the meaning of MMT is a more that of a political manifesto than of a genuine economic theory.

"'What Did Margaret Thatcher Do'?: A Survey of the Thatcher Prime Ministership's Economic and Social Policies" endeavors to offer a systematic, grounded and properly contextualized, but still concise, summation of the British Prime Minister's conduct in the area of domestic economic and social life. In particular it focuses on the principles and program laid out in the Conservative Party's 1979 General Election Manifesto, and then details the Conservative government's policies when in office, concentrating on the areas of monetary and fiscal policy (including central banking and revision of the tax structure); the privatization of state assets and services (extending to the outsourcing of welfare functions, and the mandating of privatization at local government level); organized labor; the welfare state; and action regarding the manufacturing and financial sectors. The paper also considers some of the larger implications of this line of policy, not least the changes in the structure of the British economy (from the positions of manufacturing and finance, to the distribution of incokme), and the ways in which Thatcher's successors modified but also significantly forwarded this legacy.

Over the last decade, a new political movement, typically denominated in the literature and media as alt-right has emerged and played a large role in European politics. Millions of people have voted for these political forces and hundreds of thousands have attended their rallies in the main European squares. The specialized literature on European Radical Right (ERR) and Populist Radical Right (PRR) has already deeply analysed their positions on cultural and social issues, analysing them from both, supply and demand perspectives. However, even though economic demands leading to vote for ERR parties have been profoundly studied and analysed, ERR parties’ positions on economic policy matters, and, more broadly, their economic ideology have been barely studied. This is one of the reasons why there is so much confusion regarding this matter on the public discourse. In this paper, I will analyse contemporary Western ERR parties’ economic positions, following a quantitative and descriptive analysis. For this purpose, I will use data obtained from the Manifesto Project Database, which covers parties’ stances on various political matters from 1970 up to 2015. This will be very useful when analysing not just these parties’ actual positions, but also to see the evolution and variation of their ideological economic supply. All this, as we will see, will lead us to the necessity to adopt a new term applicable to almost all contemporary ERR parties’ economic ideology a: Neo- nationalist Economic Sovereigntism.

At the heart of every firm’s creation, life, and dissolution resides the nature of its governance. Environmental, social, and technological challenges question modern capitalism. What we observe today is an epistemic rupture. This is not simply a new pendulum’s swing in the history of shareholder-management relationships as it has been the case since the 1930s. In reality, we observe a new world emerging that requires adaptation in both corporate governance and competition game. As believers in the union of law, economics, and management disciplines to think anew firm governance, we unite and compose a manifesto to determine who is legitimate to set the principles and purpose pursuant to which firms will be run, how firms will best arbitrate between multiple trade-offs, how they will report their performance, and in which regulatory competition environment they will complete. We define three pillars (shareholder duacy, firm success, and fair value shaing) and deduce five principles for a renewed corporate governance of the XXIst century firm which aim to achieve a fruitful deliberation process among the three governing bodies: 1] Shareholders set a purpose-based course, Board of Directors follow and implement it, 2] A trustful relationship linking board of directors and management, 3] New sharing rules between a firm and its stakeholders, 4] Redefining total value generation and performance, and 5] A new workable approach to competition.

Beccaria's manifesto against cruel punishment and abuse of power spread through Europe like a wildfire and inspired radical reforms of repressive and coercive institutions throughout the continent. But what made Beccaria’s tract so popular with enlightenment rulers and thinkers? My hypothesis is that Beccaria managed to offer a vision of radical reforms that would follow a rational, and moderate, path. It pleased Les Philosophes and the administrators in equal measure. Its novelty resided in the criticism of criminal law from the viewpoint of those who were immediately affected, rather than from the viewpoint of the lawyers. It was a Copernican revolution in perspective and one that stood with the many against the few privileged ones. There are two key insights in Beccaria’s political theory of criminal justice. Firstly, the law should not be an instrument of oppression but rather a tool to foster life in common. Secondly, to constrain the abuse of political power every political system needs constitutional guarantees that minimize the interference of criminal law in people’s lives and promote social welfare policies so as to prevent crime.

The seizure and occupation of the Hara (Thailand) Factory by its own female workers in October 1975 has been recognized as a unique event in the history of labour disputes in Thailand. Scholars have viewed the factory occupation – later re-opened under the name ‘The United Labourers Factory’ – as a means to an end in order to bargain with the oppressive employer to give them better working conditions. This article studies the workers’ interviews recorded as part of the famous documentary Hara Factory Workers Struggle (1975) directed by Jon Uengphakorn et al. It treats their interviews as ‘text’ and ‘discourse’ in which their political imagination was embodied. Unlike precedent research, this essay argues that the newly established United Labourers Factory run by the workers themselves functioned as a laboratory of socialism, serving as a revolutionary model for a new mode of production. It aimed at rejecting human alienation, restoring human condition, and building labour solidarity with the wider world of the labouring poor. The United Labourers Factory was, arguably, a radical, concrete manifesto of a certain group of workers in modern Thai history.

Nowadays, two major pressures that investors must face are: 1) the need to account for environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors in their investment processes; and 2) the need to manage risk at multiple timescales (e.g., short, medium, and long terms simultaneously). Integrating ESG and risk management is one way for investment organizations to address both of those pressures. Yet a cohesive framework for doing so has so far been absent. In this manifesto, we introduce Portfolio Resilience as a paradigm by which investors might jointly manage ESG and risk, both in their portfolios and own organizations. We provide a framework (the DARLing decomposition) for examining Resilience in a principled manner. We also supply a template for exploring how useful a given dataset might be for revealing the Resilience of assets and organizations. To demonstrate the utility of the Resilience paradigm, we present a case study of a major investment organization that has successfully aligned its risk and ESG operations by using Resilience concepts.

We detail the political party commitments of a basic income in Canada over the last decade, a period of time in which we have seen renewed conversations about a basic income in Canada. We find that in all but one case the policy commitments lack any detail about design choices and no commitments to a basic income reference the principles of a basic income. Overall, at the political level there continues to be a lot of detail that have yet to be mapped out, detail that is important to understanding the specific commitment and whether the stated objectives could be achieved with the form of basic income proposed. In addition, the implementation of key technical elements seems poorly understood. These existing political commitments provide limited information that B.C.’s Expert Panel on Basic Income can use to inform any design decisions. This is unfortunate, as the policy debates on a basic income are unlikely to move forward in any definitive fashion without the details being flushed out.

In 1848, two obscure German philosophers, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, published a revolutionary pamphlet called “The Manifesto of the Communist Party.” The Communist Manifesto, destined to become one of the most influential works of political philosophy of all time, began with these famous words: “A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism….” Now, almost two centuries later, someone has finally chased down this seductive spectre and attempted to bottle her up for good. That someone is Tyler Cowen. In brief, Cowen has just published a kind of “Capitalist Manifesto,” one that is even more intoxicating and liberating than Marx and Engel’s original screed. Far from the source of all things evil, Cowen explains why privately-owned business firms should be praised.

This article talks about commercial pet breeding in Florida, specifically puppy mills. The goal of puppy mills is to produce the largest number of puppies as quickly as possible, without consideration of genetic quality or the care of the animals. Nearly all puppy mills in Florida are overcrowded, and the puppies live in unsanitary conditions. Puppy mills have popped up all around the State of Florida, because of its climate and the State’s lack of regulation. The article takes a dive into the Nation’s most states and cities for commercial pet breeding, and how Florida and its localities can make a substantial change. A few localities in Florida have started regulating the sale of puppy mill puppies, or they created a county-wide animal abuse offender’s list. Exploring both legal and non-legal ways of change, this article gives legislators a manifesto into real change. Animal Law is an underrepresented subject in the wide array of the legal field. Only 0.1% of all attorneys have had any experience in litigating and/or studying Animal Law. I believe this article is different because of how slight this subject area is.

We investigate the impact of robot adoption on electoral outcomes in 14 Western European countries, between 1993 and 2016. We employ both official election results at the district level and individual-level voting data, combined with party ideology scores from the Manifesto Project. We measure exposure to automation both at the regional level, based on the ex-ante industry specialization of each region, and at the individual level, based on individual characteristics and pre-sample employment patterns in the region of residence. We instrument robot adoption in each country using the pace of robot adoption in other countries. Higher exposure to robot adoption is found to increase support for nationalist and radical-right parties. Unveiling some potential transmission channels, higher robot exposure at the individual level leads to poorer perceived economic conditions and well-being, lower satisfaction with the government and democracy, and a reduction in perceived political self-efficacy.

The paper explores the interaction between industrial policy and competition law, in particular merger control in Europe. It reflects on the tensions, actual and perceived, between these two policies and critically assesses the substantive and institutional solutions that have been proposed, in particular in the recent Franco-German Manifesto for a European industrial policy fit for the 21st Century.

Fiction and visual representations can alter our understanding of human experiences and struggles. They help us understand human frailties and suffering in a visceral way. Nick Drnaso’s graphic novel Sabrina does that in spades. In Sabrina, a woman is murdered by a misogynist, and a video of her execution is leaked. Conspiracy theorists deem her murder a hoax. A cyber mob smears the woman’s loved ones as crisis actors, posts death threats, and spreads their personal information. The attacks continue until a shooting massacre redirects the cyber mob’s wrath to other mourners. Sabrina captures the breathtaking velocity of disinformation online and the rapid escalation to terroristic threats. Every day, people are radicalized online to wreak havoc and violence. On August 3, 2019, in El Paso, Texas, a twenty-one-year old man posted a racist manifesto on 8chan and then walked into a Wal Mart with a powerful rifle, killing 20 people and injuring many others. The killer trafficked in and engaged with others in hateful conspiracy theories. Drnaso invites a conversation about cyber mobs, conspiracy theories, and death videos and the norms, attitudes, and laws enabling them. Right now, it is cheap and easy to wreak havoc online and for that havoc to go viral. Platforms act rationally — some might say responsibly to their shareholders — when they tolerate abuse that earns them advertising revenue and costs them nothing in legal liability. Combatting cyber-mob attacks must be a priority. Law should raise the cost of cyber-mob attacks. It is time for tech companies to redress some of the negative externalities of their business model. Platforms should not enjoy immunity from liability for user-generated content unless they have earned that immunity with reasonable content moderation practices. Education should play a role as well. As digital citizens, we need to do better.

Parties make hundreds of campaign promises but not all are equally important to voters. Studies of government promise fulfilment accept that some promises matter more than others, but treat all promises equally because they lack an appropriate means of assigning promise centrality. To address this limitation, we propose a method that uses a conjoint experiment design to measure public option about promise importance which can be used to construct centrality weights. We demonstrate the utility of this approach by examining the 2017 UK conservative manifesto. Centrality weighting reduces our assessment of Conservative promise-keeping by 21 percentage points (2 SD of typical promise completion rates). Weighting increases the importance of EU promises sevenfold, immigration promises fivefold, and reduces the centrality of miscellaneous administrative promises more than half. These results illustrate that pledge centrality cannot be ignored when assessing pledge fulfillment.

The study of American political development (APD) is inherently comparative. APD has its roots in a set of observations and questions about a set of comparatively distinctive characteristics of American politics. The subfields of APD and comparative politics share common origins in the late-twentieth century reaction to behavioralism and modernization theory. Although they subsequently diverged, they are increasingly being brought together in works that treat the United States as a case in comparative studies. In particular, comparisons of American, British, and Canadian political development offer a fruitful path toward connecting these fields and deriving new insights from the comparative study of political development.

The 2017 federal elections in Germany propelled the far-right party "Alternative fur Deutschland" ("Alternative for Germany" – AfD) to become the third largest party in the federal parliament. I argue that this strong result of a party that is at odds with much of the post war German political consensus can be explained by a) the move of the Christian-Democratic CDU/CSU to the political center and the resulting increase in similarity between center-left and center-right political forces; b) a de-politicization of politics, especially in the aftermath of the world financial and economic crisis and during the reign of the grand coalition. Drawing on data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Party Manifesto Project, I show that the AfD inhabits an otherwise unpopulated region of the policy space where it puts particular emphasis on anti-EU positions. In the next step, drawing on data from the Federal Returning Office, I show that the AfD was able to mobilize the electorate more successfully than other parties and that the party's electoral success was in large part due to this mobilization success with the change in turnout the second strongest predictor of AfD vote shares.

One achievement of the government is more visible i.e. expansion of digital technology and its uses in day to day activities of mass people. Making digital Bangladesh was the election manifesto of Bangladesh Awami League in 2009 general election. With different limitations digitization took place in many sectors and different government services became peoples reach due to introduction of online processes. But till now people are not getting full benefit of digital Bangladesh due to lack of commitments from the corrupt bureaucracy and lack of monitoring and evaluation by the responsible higher authority. Corrupt official are not allowing full digitization of the processes to remain unofficial earning line alive. Therefore respective Secretaries and Ministers should be careful to make the processes fully digital to ensure hassle free delivery of government services to the mass people and make digital Bangladesh truly functional. At the same time government has to move further with its Digital Bangladesh concept into Digital Economy concept.

The original “manifesto” that gave rise to the Structuralist development theory was written for the Economic Commission of Latin America (ECLA, subsequently ECLAC, after incorporating the Caribbean States in 1984) by Raul Prebisch (1949). This work had a strong impact on both the theoretical and policy debates and served as a rationale for the efforts at structural change and industrialization that many developing countries adopted in the following decades. By and large, the Latin American Structuralist tradition focuses on how the external constraint disproportionately affects output growth and domestic policies in less developed economies. The existence of bottlenecks in the productive system and labor market dualism characterizing peripheral economies opens space for state intervention and industrial policies as a way to promote structural transformation and economic development. JEL codes: 010; 033 Keywords: economic development, technical change, income distribution, Latin America, PSL Quarterly Review, Vol 71, No 285 (2018): Special issue. Economic development, technical change and income distribution

Right wing populist parties in Europe are clearly different from other right wing parties in their rhetoric and electoral appeal. Some observers see substantive differences between right wing populists and other right wing parties, with populists supporting the welfare state and gender equality more than other right wing parties, often as part of an anti-immigration and anti-Muslim agenda. We test this claim using novel data produced by a multilingual convolutional neural net on political party platforms for the years 1990 to 2015 from the Manifesto Corpus. We find no systematic differences between right wing populists and non-populists on support for welfare and gender equality, though there is some evidence that more successful populists are more centrist.

The reasoning behind tackling the politics of the Transhuman in relation to the liberal self in this piece is quite simple; there is a significant gap in the literature when it comes to analyzing transhumanism in relation to canonical western ideas. The Transhuman today is an image gaining some traction within western society; academic or otherwise. It has inspired lengthy philosophical works such has Ben Goertzel’s (2010) A Cosmists Manifesto as well as the springing up of official political parties across Europe and The USA (Transhumanist UK Party n.d.; Transhumanist Party n.d.). Transhumanism has been/can be situated within several interconnected histories such as the history of Western Political Philosophy, the history of western scientific development and the history of machines in western popular culture. As we will see the politics of the Transhuman creates sites of both continuity and change within these histories. The core argument that this piece will draw out of its analysis is that the politics of the Transhuman has a Janus-like relationship with the liberal subject. Works of conscious transhumanist philosophy tend (with the occasional exception of Goertzel (2010: 49-52, 59-68, 257-259)) to reinforce liberal ideas about the self-whereas, through the creation of anxiety, the contact between transhumanist imagery and western pop-culture presents a strong challenge to liberal assumptions about the self. This juxtaposition, it will be suggested, stems from the simple fact that the politics of the Transhuman is definitionally trying to transform the self through the use of technology but has been born from conditions of western liberal capitalism which traps it to a certain degree within the norms of the liberal self.

In the course of the analysis of the audiovisual media text, the author draws the following conclusions: 1) Western media took several decades to legalize non-traditional sexual orientations in general and in the school environment, in particular; 2) comedy drama Love, Simon (2018) is the pioneer film produced by a major Hollywood studio, featuring a gay protagonist being an underage school student; 3) homosexuality of the protagonist is presented by the film authors with the maximum degree of attractiveness for the audience (the synthesis of genres of comedy and melodrama, a charismatic performance, storyline following the key recipes of the most popular films on the school theme of the past), which provided impressive box office success; 4) the positive feedback of the American media critics on the film illustrates that political correctness of the Western society now extends not only to a tolerant attitude towards homosexuality among adults, but also among schoolchildren: this is eloquently expressed by the low age rating assigned to this the film (PG13); 5) the film Love, Simon contains signs of propaganda of non-traditional sexual orientation among minors, which formally falls under the Russian law No. 135-FZ (2013).

The Conservative Party’s manifesto for the June 2017 general election included a policy to replace free school lunches with free school breakfasts for all school children. After the election, the policy was abandoned. The Conservative manifesto justified the policy by appealing to research into the educational effects of free school breakfasts conducted by the Institute for Fiscal Studies in 2016. This research was conducted to a high standard. However, the widespread interpretation of the findings was incorrect. The research does not show that school breakfasts are required as a remedy for children arriving at school hungry. Nor did it show that the improved educational performance of the children involved in the study was the result of eating breakfast. The findings of this research, and previous studies, strongly suggest that it is the social element of these school clubs, not the nutritional element, that explains improved educational performance. Misrepresenting the findings as identifying nutritional rather than social factors in educational performance is likely to misdirect public policy, not only concerning education but concerning children’s health. The main nutritional problem in children from poor British families is not hunger but over-eating and obesity.

The Tanzania development vision (TDV) 2025 is simply an articulation of where the nation needs to be in 2025 and it was set in motion since mid-1990s by president Mkapa third government regime. The CCM (ruling party) election manifesto is a political vision of where the nation needs to be in every 5 years of election. The current registered positive macroeconomic performance has small effect on reducing poverty. Key research question is: to what magnitude or extent has these two Visions been compatible or supportive to one another in taking the country to where the 2025 vision requires? It is widely felt that, the ruling part election manifesto has been injecting much instability towards achieving the country development Vision 2025. The government’s on-going program of liberalization, privatization, and strict fiscal and monetary policies is all seen to be keeping the country busy in eradicating the appearance of income poverty rather than addressing the root-cause of unemployment and income poverty. This article therefore, is there to briefly display some historical data and figures on markable achievements of growth efforts in Tanzania as at 2016/17 and then poses the challenge and prospect on the magnitude and sustainability of the registered macroeconomic figures with respect to the sustainable development goals agenda 2030.

International negotiations are founded on secrecy. Yet unauthorized leaks of negotiating documents have grown common. What are the incentives behind leaks, and what are their effects on bargaining between states? Specifically, are leaks intended to spur the other party to make more ambitious commitments, or are they more often intended to claw back commitments made — are leaks offensive or defensive? We examine these questions in the context of trade negotiations, the recurring form of which affords us rare empirical traction on an otherwise elusive issue. We assemble the first dataset of its kind, covering 120 discrete leaks from 2006 to 2015. We find that the incidence of leaks is indeed rising across negotiations. Leaks are clustered around novel legal provisions, and appear to be disproportionately defensive: they serve those actors intent on limiting commitments made. The European Union appears responsible for the majority of leaks occurring worldwide. Using party manifesto data to track changing ideological positions within the EU, we find that the occurrence of leaks is highly correlated with opposition to economic liberalization within the average EU political party. Moreover, leaks appear effective in shifting public debate. We show this by examining trade officials’ internal communications and media coverage in the wake of a specific leak of negotiations between Canada and the EU. A given negotiating text attracts more negative coverage when it is leaked than when the same text is officially released. In sum, political actors leak information strategically as a response to changing domestic preferences, in order to shape negotiations towards their preferred outcome.

There is no reason to repeal the Human Rights Act and the government’s manifesto commitment to do so should be dropped. The objections to it are misconceived, the arguments against it being based either on inaccurate understandings of what it says or error-strewn assertions about the nature of its impact. The political motive for attacking the Act – to undermine the UK’s association with Europe – has been overtaken by the much greater European disengagement of BREXIT.

Presently, the trade-off between growth and fiscal consolidation, with the ensuing austerity measures, is a burning issue in Europe. This is particularly relevant in the aftermath of the Greek debt crisis. The situation is unprecedented, as policy leaders are facing a post-crisis conundrum. We analyze the orthodox stance towards fiscal policy, and the reasons why the latter framework has become irrelevant in the present extraordinary context. We notably draw on the French Roosevelt Manifesto published in 2012, which seems to have fallen in oblivion since then.

Quantitative research on the positions of political parties and party competition regularly invokes the assumption that parties are unitary actors with homogenous policy preferences. Drawing on Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) data from 28 elections in 21 developed democracies, we show that candidates often hold quite heterogeneous issue positions and that the extent of this heterogeneity varies significantly across parties and, most interestingly, even within parties across different issue dimensions. In an effort to explore the implications of such intra-party heterogeneity for party strategy and competition, we argue that intra-party heterogeneity and issue salience go together, because parties will emphasize those issues on which intra-party heterogeneity is low. Empirically, we relate our measures of intra-party heterogeneity from the CSS to data on issue salience from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the Manifesto Project. Across different issue dimensions and the two salience measures, we consistently find that parties attach lower salience to issues over which they are internally divided.

The paper helps answering the question whether judges at the German Federal Court of Justice (BGH) have to be seen as policy seekers by assigning policy values to all 540 judges that were elected between 1950 and 2010.All policy values were determined via the electing actor – the Judges Election Committee. Accordingly, The paper discusses different ways of measuring that all rely on the composition of the Judges Election Committee and CMP values of the Manifesto Project. The so assigned policy values may now be used to answer the question whether there is a measurable correlation between these policy preferences and the judges' decision-making.

Representative democracy entails the aggregation of multiple policy issues by parties into competing bundles of policies, or ``manifestos,'' which are then evaluated holistically by voters in elections. This aggregation process obscures the multidimensional policy preferences underlying a voter's single choice of party or candidate. We address this problem through a conjoint experiment based on the actual party manifestos in Japan's 2014 House of Representatives election. By juxtaposing sets of issue positions as hypothetical manifestos and asking respondents to choose one, our study identifies the effects of specific positions on the overall assessment of manifestos, heterogeneity in preferences among subgroups of respondents, and the popularity ranking of manifestos. Our analysis uncovers important discrepancies between voter preferences and the portrayal of the election by politicians and the media as providing a policy mandate to the governing Liberal Democratic Party, underscoring the potential danger of inferring public opinion from election outcomes alone.

We examine whether government ideology was correlated with the growth in military expenditure in Germany over the period 1951-2011. By using various measures of government ideology, the results do not show any effect. The exception is an ideology measure based on the Comparative Manifesto Project (Left-Right scale): using this measure, the results show that the growth in military expenditure increased by about 2.4 percentage points, when the ideology variable (right-wing) increased by one standard deviation. This effect, however, is based on observations until the early 1960s and cannot be generalized. The major political parties agreed on how to evaluate international risks and threats. Government ideology retired to the background. We conjecture that the consensus among the major parties will persist – even if military spending needs to be increased in response to new international risks and threats.

With his book The Conservatarian Manifesto: Libertarians, Conservatives, and the Fight for the Right’s Future, Charles C.W. Cooke aims is to get good policy – or, at least, better policy – to work as good politics. The vehicle of the good politics, for Cooke, is the constellation of discourse, organization, media, mobilization, governing, and so on that I call “Team Republican.” This essay reviews and comments on Cooke’s book, mostly favorably.

Abraham’s leadership by example provides a template for business leaders to implement a tone at the top based on a balance of tzedek/tzedakah (righteousness/charity) and mishpat (justice). The former expresses a generosity of spirit required of leaders, while the latter expresses the pursuit of truth which is equally important. Catholic Social Teaching expresses the same concept as Caritas in Veritate (charity in truth). Pope Francis similarly addressed accountants in 2014 and urged them to go beyond professional notions of objectivity to embrace creativity in helping achieve social solidarity. We also connect the concepts of righteousness and justice to the prophetic tradition. Finally, we provide contemporary examples of the difference between righteousness and justice. We conclude by contrasting righteousness as exemplified by Hans Kung’s Global Economic Ethic Manifesto with the more justice-oriented United Nations Global Compact, and Principles of Responsible Management Education.

The Political will is the vital element in any National growth across the world. It shows the commitment of the government to achieve its goals and objective as well to achieve the national development goals. If political Will, is being used effectively it may create a strong government, which will be able to foster the growth of nation in economical, politically as well as the social aspect. It may have an impact upon all sectors when the ruling political party leader shows the commitment to undertake actions to achieve a set of objectives which bring the national development. Most of the African problem has been contributed by the lack of political will of African leader to solve the problem of the country. Corruption, land dispute, is among the problem which affects the economy of African countries. This happens due to the fact Low commitment of the African government in removing this problem. Each political party over the word has formed for the sake of having government control. Upon the wining of the general election, the winning political party obtains a prospect to carry out its manifesto.Obvious; the ruling political party uses various tools of laws, regulations and policy to incorporate its manifesto. However, some nations have its some national manifesto which has to be implemented or considered by any political part upon becoming the political ruling party. Still Political ruling party has a chance to implement it manifesto, policy and its objectives by incorporating it in the law and regulations and into various policies.With regard to this political will aspect, my paper mainstay is to look towards the political will of the government in relation to the deterioration of fair Land compensation. The aim of my paper to see whether the land compensation laws as an indicator of political will of the government it give rise to the fair compensation. My paper will contain a concept of political will. The Second part will cover the compensation law and the political will. The Third part will cover the background of compensation on the land law. Finals will cover conclusion and recommendations. Welcome and see my paper.

While early day Internet research often hailed “Cyberspace” as an arena where individuals would be liberated from the social shackles of their biological gender, a growing body of research makes ev ...

For many Karl Marx is the symbol of extreme right nihilists. Marxism has posed its own finger print on major developments of the 20th century. However, it has been, for long, preferred to be skeptic on discourse of human rights view from Marx perspective. Even if some scholars have tried to reflect on the subject matter, the literature lack objectivity in a sense of taking Marx as antinomian or right-phobia. In this paper I will disprove the mainstream allegations through revealing the exact pictures portrayed by Marx in "On the Jewish questions", "Critique of the Gotha Program" and "the Communist Manifesto" of which basic conclusion was Marx did not generally reject rights, instead made a systematic classification and separate treatment of the so called human rights.

The year 2013 saw Zimbabwe going through elections which were won by Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) marking the end of the inclusive government between ZANU PF and the two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). To steer socio economic development ZANU PF government launched its economic blue print Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation [ZIMASSET 2013-2018] whose base is the elections manifesto of ZANU PF.ZIMASSET remains a good economic development framework with a good cause. However the success and reality of ZIMASSET continues to be big question for most Zimbabweans. This paper observes that limited funding capacity, limited focus, policy inconsistency, poor perfoming public sector, poor governance shall pose serious threat to the realisation ZIMASSET. However this paper acknowledges that ZIMASSET is likely to register some significant economic growth whose positive impact shall remain marginal and insignificant in the lived realities of Zimbabweans.

In his Manifesto for the Chief Executive Election 2012 titled ‘One Heart, One Vision,’ the then candidate Mr C Y Leung declared his intention to achieve universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 2017. It is principally against this background that his failure to provide a concrete time table on this vexed issue in his maiden Policy Address on 16 January 2013 was criticized as a significant omission by members of the pro-democracy camp.Taking cognizance of the stipulations in the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the decision of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee of 29 December 2007, this article commences with a review of the background of the issue before advancing a possible model for the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage in 2017.

The Scottish Government published proposals for the administration of an independent Scotland, its case for a vote in favour of independence in September 2014 and an outline of its manifesto in the Scottish parliamentary elections in 2016. Opinion polls continue to show that only about one quarter of the electorate favouring independence. If there is a vote for independence, Scotland would become a member of the EU and comply with its acquis communitaire, join the Council of Europe, becoming a signatory to its conventions, and join the ITU, adopting its Radio Regulations. However, the provisions for broadband, Internet and telecommunications remain vague and without a timetable. There would be a junior minister within a Ministry of Culture, Communications & Digital, with a multi-sector economic regulator, a media regulator, a competition authority and a consumer protection body. Existing licences would be “honoured”. It is unclear whether the existing UK legislation will be converted into Scottish statutes or whether the EU directives will be transposed from scratch. Considerable attention is to be given to increasing services in rural areas, with calls for more fibre and 4G networks, whereas, the low levels of adoption of broadband in urban areas are ignored. Scotland will not request an ITU country code, but seek to continue to use the UK code of 44. It will not use an ISO 3166 two-letter country code top level domain, but instead "dot Scot" and existing UK top level domains. Significant omissions include provision for regulators of advertising and gambling. There is no mention of replacement for the UK Competition Appeal Tribunal, perhaps appeals would be heard in the courts. Much will depend on negotiations between the Scottish Government and Her Majesty’s Government in London in the period between September 2014 and independence day on 24 March 2016. A complicating factor is the UK general election in May 2015.

Neo-modernity is a new philosophical stand that transcends the modernism vs. post-modernism debate. Neo-modernity is a new meta-theory about the relationship between theories of knowledge and theories of society, underpinned by a social evolutionary approach toward human knowledge and society. Neo-modernity also embodies the spirit of “permanent critique” in the Foucauldian sense, underpinned by scientific/critical realism in the Popperian-Bhaskarian sense. The two aspects of neo-modernity sustain each other: The spirit of permanent critique requires scientific realism as its foundation, whereas scientific realism demands the spirit of permanent critique to uphold an open society that protects liberty and prompts progress.

Professor Hanke served as an adviser to Bulgarian President Petar Stoyanov, from 1997 to 2002. In 1997, Bulgaria adopted a Currency Board System, based on Professor Hanke's draft Currency Board Law, which he authored at the request of President Stoyanov. The Currency Board brought an end to Bulgaria's hyperinflation which peaked with a monthly inflation rate of 242%, in February 1997.This paper was original presented as the keynote address, delivered at the Investment Forum 2002, Sofia. In that 2002 keynote speech, Professor Hanke advocated a flat tax for Bulgaria. In 2008, Bulgaria followed that recommendation and adopted a flat tax rate of 10% on personal and corporate income.

Over time a man, if he is perceptive, comes to certain conclusions. The most startling is that the greatest truths were spoken to him throughout his life by ordinary men, simple preachers, old men sitting around drinking soda and eating peanuts, his father. These men, if beneficiaries of a culture and community that embraces common-sense as a virtue, know truths that philosophers for centuries have tried in various ways to express. Common-sense is something all men should know; common-sense informs us of certain natural laws.

The function of calling people towards Islam and conveying them the message of God was accomplished and a new society based on the social contract (the soul of which was لا الہ الااللہ محمد رسول اللہ ) had come into existence. The Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) appointed Mu`adh bin Jabal the Governor of Yemen in 10 AH and while seeing him off, inter alia , disclosed: O Mu`adh! Probably, you will not meet me again after this year of mine. Rather, you will pass by this mosque of mine and my grave. Hearing this Mu`adh wept.In fact, Allah Almighty was pleased to show to his Prophet (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) the fruits of the labour of that he had put and the hardships and afflictions he had suffered at the hands of the opponents of Islam for the last over twenty years in accomplishing the Divine mission of calling mankind towards their True God, True Lord, Almighty Allah. It was thus the Divine Policy that on the occasion of Hajj the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) with representatives of all tribes of Arabs get together and there the Injunctions of Islam are made public and open evidence be taken on the fact that the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) has conveyed the Message of God which was a trust with him in the most trustworthy manner. Thus the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) made known his intention to perform the Hajj which attracted every Muslim to follow the imprints of the Prophetic feet in this behalf. It was the 25th of Zil-Qa`adah, 10 AH/ March, 632 AD that the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) proceeded from al-Madinah al-Munawwarah towards Makkah al-Mukarramah to perform Hajj. Abu Dujanah Sa`idi or Saba` bin `Artafah Ghifari was appointed to look after the affairs at al-Madinah al-Munawwarah till the return of the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) from Hajj. A caravan of ninety thousands believers accompanied the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) from al-Madinah al-Munawwarah and before its reaching Makkah al-Mukarramah people of other tribes and people who had come from Yemen had reached Makkah al-Mukarramah. On the Day of Hajj in the plane of `Arafat there was grand assembly of 1,24,000 believers who had come there all the way long for performance of Hajj . The Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) had taken along with him the sacrificial animals also. When they reached the place called Sarf, the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) directed that those persons who had not brought the sacrificial animals with them should come out of the Ihram of `Umrah. Hadrat `A’ishah Siddiqah was undergoing the menstrual circle, she was informed that she had performed all the rituals of Hajj which are performed by the pilgrims but that she should not circumambulate the Ka`batullah in such physic-biological condition. The Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) was riding on his camel called Qaswa’ in the plane of `Arafat and delivered the historical address and gave guiding principles to the Ummah that were the best till the Last Day and stated that He has accomplished his Prophetic and Messengership mission fully. The Qur’anic verse 5:8 was revealed on that occasion. This address is called the Farewell Address as it was the last Sermon delivered to the people during the Last Hajj of his life.Khutabah Hajjatul-Wida` is in fact the First Human Charter which was given by the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) to the whole mankind on 9th of Zul-Hajj 10th AH./ February, 632 AD. While standing on the Jabal al-Rahmat in the Valley of `Arafat. It was a sermon so sincere and serene, yet so melodious and thought provoking and giving to mankind fundamental and guiding principles concerning the rights of humanity whereby life at all levels could be reformed and set right at individual, collective, national, international and universal level for all time s to come. This Farewell Address of the Messenger of Allah (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) has got the status of Universal Manifesto for whole mankind. As he is the Messenger of Allah and Last of all the Prophets (صلی اللہ علیہ و آلہ وسلم) so this address is the Last Word on the subject of Human Rights.

This paper provides a critical analysis of the Economic Value Added (EVA) method. The paper critiques two articles published by Stern Stewart & Co.: Accounting is Broken, Here’s How to Fix It: A RADICAL MANIFESTO and The Capitalist Manifesto: The Transformation of the Corporation, Employee Capitalism. EVA has been hailed as an innovative value-facilitating technique since it tends to focus management’s attention on value-creating activities rather than on short-term gains. This much is appreciated, but Stern Stewart & Co., the main promoters of EVA, have gone on to trash the accountancy profession, an approach with which the author of this paper disagrees. Stern Stewart & Co. makes sweeping allegations against the practice of accounting without indicating which version of accounting they are against. In this paper, differences between the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) and the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) are highlighted. In addition, this paper goes on to applaud Stern Stewart & Co. for their work on EVA, and discuss how EVA could be used to promote amicable working relationships between managers and employees.

The paper consists of some theses and has the structure of a Manifesto for the Humanist of the 21th Century.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not only a draft or a piece of contract; it is manifesto, a manifesto for the whole world. It is the guideline for all the other Organizations, who are working on the Humanitarian basis. The framers of the declaration have made its scope wider, so that it covers the rights of all the people of the world. In order to accomplish these goals, it has been given a task to adopt a yard stick of “Common Standard of Achievement” which means the equal rights for all the people. In addition, there to for promoting the peace and tranquility in this world, these rights have been imposed on the people without any discrimination. This declaration was passed 63 years ago and since then it is struggling very hard to accomplish its goals. In order to see its accomplishments, we have to make the analyses of the different elements and to find out that why it is standing on the same place from where it has started 63 years ago. We also need to see either this Declaration represents only a group of people or it is beneficial for all the mankind. existence of UDHR is very essential to keep the declaration live in which all the Nations have made their consensus to declare some rights and freedoms, so essential that they cannot be derogated even at the time of emergency. The UDHR is like a mouth of a river and all other convections, declarations and protocols are emerging from it.

On the one hand the Conservative-Liberal coalition looks tough on addressing the budget deficit through a radical programme of expenditure cuts. On the other hand, the discourse surrounding cuts is very often pitched in terms of ‘progressivism’ – that those with higher incomes should shoulder a bigger share of the cuts (for example, child benefit cuts for those with higher incomes) and a bigger responsibility for paying for their success (for example, larger tuition fees for university and steeper paybacks for those on larger incomes). Adopting a case study approach, I examine discourse from three parliamentary debates (1998, 2004 and 2010) on higher education reform juxtaposed alongside manifesto pledges and policy outcomes to explore the extent to which the parties differ in their defense of the rights of the poor over time. Results suggest that all main three parties express concerns about those from poorer backgrounds and that the breadth and depth of concerns are greatest when a party is in opposition. When in power, parties appear largely reactive to events yet still find ways to make and defend policy as being in the interests of the poor.

This paper deals with the inter-relation between religion and politics. It argues that it is difficult to segregate political obligation from religion. In this paper the author has made an effort to analyze the relation between political obligation and religion. This paper aims to establish that religion and political obligation are related to each other and both tend to regulate the functioning of the society in almost all aspects. It also looks at secularism which is only prevalent in theory but it fails when it comes to practice or reality.

Directive Principles are the political manifesto of the state. The Directive Principles are not as enforceable as fundamental rights but the state can’t undermine it in formulating and executing its plan of action. The Directive Principle directs the state to achieve its objective of socio-economic transformation intended by the constitution. In the developing countries like ours where many benefits are taken by elite, there are many revolutions. After revolution, it is difficult to address the want of people in constitution as fundamental right. Thus to manage the people’s sentiment in constitution directive Principles is regarded.

Electric Cooperatives are in crisis, owing to management scandals and environmental controversies. This paper argues that a return to fundamental cooperative principles is in order and can be accomplished without compromising the independence and flexibility enjoyed by management at these utilities. Suggested reforms include transparency and good-governance initiatives.

In 1923 Hovhannes Katchaznouni the first Prime Minister of the Armenian state delivered a report to an Armenian Congress in Bucharest. Referred to as his Manifesto, it was written in Armenian and self-published in the same year. The Manifesto represents a historical document of great significance to a highly charged and contested debate. For many decades its existence was unknown to most scholars. Except for one abridged version, the other versions are inaccessible because they have been willfully removed from the world’s libraries by political partisans and the latest commercially produced edition has yet to make an appearance on library shelves. Two currently available editions are reviewed in this paper on a per-paragraph basis and shown to be consistent on many matters pertaining to Armenian-Turkish issues. Yet they do differ substantially on other significant points. Irrespective of the edition; scholars, opinion makers, policy makers, and concerned people at large should find the information contained of great value since it comes from a most knowledgeable and credible source.