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This paper investigates the relationship between individuals' attitudes towards fairness and their views about tax compliance in developing countries. It argues that individuals' attitudes regarding fairness shape their views about paying taxes and their ethical stances regarding tax evasion. Using survey data for 18 major cities in Latin America, we find that individuals who are highly sensitive to fairness are less likely to consider paying taxes as a civic duty and more likely to justify tax evasion. These attitudes toward tax compliance are not inelastic. We also find evidence that individualst argues about reciprocity and merit mediate the effect of fairness on personal views about tax compliance. Finally, this paper shows that the heuristics people use to explain their position in the income distribution make them sensitive to inequality, and it affects their tax morale. These findings help us better understand the concept of reciprocity and provide valuable lessons on the urgent task of expanding fiscal capacity to promote economic growth and inequality in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the introduction to a SCID special issue on “Global Pressures, National Response, and Labor Rights in Developing Countries.” We focus on the potentially conflicting demands that developing countries face from international institutions for better labor standards versus more labor flexibility. This is studied through a comparative analysis of four regions: Eastern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and the Middle East. The major international institutions we examine are the International Labor Organization, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, bilateral and plurilateral trade agreements, and multinational corporations. This introductory paper presents a review of existing literature on labor standards and labor flexibility with particular focus on the role of international institutions in promoting the two processes and their impact on labor market outcomes. It also describes our project and its contribution to the debates, including a discussion of our main methodological innovation, namely, the construction of new indices for labor standards and flexibility. In empirical terms, it compares the indices across the four regions and provides an analysis of the impact of the indices on labor market outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, there has been considerable excitement about the economic potential of the 'developmental network state'-decentralized government policies that successfully accelerated growth in several high- and medium-income countries. The question remains whether such a strategy could be successful in less-developed nations whose scientific and technological resources were relatively limited. This paper analyzes the trajectory of Chile, a Southern country which, despite adverse conditions, managed to produce something akin to an economic miracle during the last few decades. Our argument is that Chile's success was based on the developmental network state strategy. Moreover, we highlight the centrality to understanding the Chilean experience of the concept of 'network failures'-a common phenomenon that occurs when domestic production would be best served by network forms of organization but for a variety of reasons, these networks either fail to materialize or fail to take hold (Schrank and Whitford ). Over and over again, we see that the logic behind the actions of the Chilean state was to provide resources that reduced the likelihood of network failures. We examine three case studies of successful export sectors: salmon; wine; and fruit and vegetables. The paper outlines some of the challenges faced by the Chilean model and assesses its long-term viability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Microcredit transactions in developing countries create risks for borrowers that are routinely overlooked in the literature. This paper argues that common microfinance-lending methodologies that allow lenders to collateralize loans and unilaterally collect this security create opportunities for malicious lenders to steal from clients in good standing. In places where any lender can simply call itself a 'microfinance institution' (MFI), opportunistic lenders can use the halo effect associated with microfinance to encourage borrowers to make themselves unusually vulnerable to theft. Evidence of these abuses can be seen in a case study of Uganda, where theft and fraud by a small number of microfinance institutions created a large-scale crisis and contributed to a precipitous decline in trust in the financial sector as a whole. Even when it occurs only on the margins of the sector, I conclude, this type of opportunism may have problematic implications for all MFIs and undermine efforts to increase financial inclusion. This possibility provides a new impetus to consider innovative regulatory approaches for microfinance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal democracy has been difficult to institute and sustain in developing countries. This has to do both with ideational factors-the absence of a liberal tradition prior to electoral mobilization-and structural conditions-the prevalence of mass mobilization along identity rather than class cleavages. This paper considers the conditions under which liberal democracy emerges and speculates about its future in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wetlands provide ecosystem services such as flood protection, improved water quality, and wildlife habitat, but are under attack in urban land-use conflicts in the Global South. This article presents two cases of local wetlands governance conflicts in Colombia (Humedal la Conejera, Bogotá, Cundinamarca) and Argentina (Laguna de Rocha, Esteban Echeverría, Gran Buenos Aires) to illustrate divergent pathways toward improved environmental governance via citizen pressures: the collaborative method (Bogotá) and the adversarial method (Buenos Aires). While existing scholarship on citizen-led regulation stresses the importance of collaboration between community organizations and the state, this article argues that adversarial tactics are also a key component of environmental governance. In both cases, citizen-led pressures led to increased enforcement of regulatory measures to restore wetlands and gain protected-area status. Citizen-led governance involved adversarial strategies such as marches, litigation, and shaming and blaming in the media, as well as collaborative strategies such as creating broad-based educational forums, working inside city government, and partnering directly with public institutions to set new policies. Against the backdrop of extensive collusion between elected officials and land developers, citizen-led subnational environmental governance has become the regulatory regime of last resort in urban Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of different models of public/private partnerships for refugee relief. Through case studies of different refugee relief programs in China, the paper shows that philanthropists are attractive but risky partners for state officials in welfare provision. Their cooperation can indeed expand access to welfare, improve state capacity, and enhance state/society relations. But because philanthropists can control significant resources and gain considerable social prestige, weak states can find it very difficult to control and contain them. In some circumstances, the relationship can turn competitive, and philanthropists can even threaten the state's efforts to expand its capacity and build up its own legitimacy. The key to the balance of power between state officials and private philanthropists is control over the funding for the partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aid effectiveness is widely understood to suffer when multiple donors operate in the same space, but recent studies indicate benefits of fragmentation. We posit that these mixed findings may reflect differences across aid sectors — and also show how the level of implementation can condition the interpretation of results. Cross-national time-series analysis of 152 countries implies aid fragmentation can promote child survival and improve governance. However, analysis of subnational variation in Sierra Leone and Nigeria suggests the presence of more donors is associated with worse health outcomes, but better governance outcomes. Having more donors in a locality may thus be beneficial when they are working to improve the systems through which policies are implemented, but harmful if they target policy outcomes directly. A survey of Nigerian civil servants suggests potential mechanisms: fragmentation in health aid may lead to internal "brain drain" and pressure to alter projects, whereas diversity in governance aid might promote meritocratic behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we investigate empirically whether or not the notion of an enclave adds substantially to existing knowledge of the determinants of long-run economic, political, or institutional development. We discuss the prominent place of enclaves in historical accounts in the dependent development literature, particularly in the work of Cardoso and Faletto (, ) and the large difficulties of determining in practice whether or not a country was or was not an enclave. We find little evidence for a relationship between past enclave status and long-run growth, inequality, or the size of the government. However, there does seem to be some preliminary evidence that countries that were enclaves have greater state capacity than non-enclaves and have been less democratic in the post-WWII period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decades, countries across the Global South have been adopting expansionary health reforms and are increasingly doing so under the banner of promoting universal health coverage. But countries have taken notably different approaches regarding the inclusion of private actors in their expanding healthcare systems. In this article, we explore the political causes and consequences of partial privatization in the context of healthcare expansion. We conduct a case study of Turkey's 2008 health reform, which coupled substantial coverage expansion with the introduction of private options in provision and financing—and has since been branded as a global "success story" of achieving universal health coverage. Specifically, we seek to explain why Turkey introduced private options with its expansionary health reform and what kind of policy feedback effects this has triggered. We find that private options were incorporated into the reform as the result of persistent business lobbying and pro-market changes in the leadership of the health ministry and not because of any international coercion, e.g., by the World Bank. The introduction of these private options has since led to the growth of private hospital and insurance markets and the political entrenchment of partial privatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary urbanization in the Global South merits greater attention from scholars of comparative politics. Governance, associational life, and political behavior take distinctive forms in the social and institutional environments created by rapid urbanization, particularly within informal settlements and labor markets. In this special issue, we examine forms of collective action and claims-making in these spaces. We also consider how the state assesses, maps, and responds to the demands of informal sector actors. Tackling questions of citizen and state behavior in these informal urban contexts requires innovative research strategies due to data scarcity and social and institutional complexity. Contributors to this symposium offer novel strategies for addressing these challenges, including the use of informal archives, worksite-based sampling, ethnographic survey design, enforcement process-tracing, and crowd-sourced data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections in developing countries have increasingly become international events. Previous scholarship identifies many examples in which migrants from developing countries have played a role in financing elections in their home countries and provides cross-national evidence that migrants increase remittances in election years. However, previous cross-national analyses have been limited by their reliance on annual national-level data. This article provides statistical analyses of quarterly subnational data of remittance inflows to Mexican states and new monthly national-level data on remittance inflows for nine countries. These analyses demonstrate that political remittance cycles appear in the quarter prior to an election, can exist both for national and subnational elections, and are influenced by both economic conditions in migrants' host countries and political conditions in their home countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if questions of how resources are distributed within and between societies are the main concern, it is necessary to continue to grapple with the issue of the causes of economic growth since economic growth and level of development continue to be among the most important causes of inequality, poverty, unemployment, and the quality of life. This paper's dependent variable is the economic growth rate of 55 less developed countries (LDCs) over 2 time periods. 1970-78 and 1965-84. The causal model consists of control variables--level of development and domestic investment in 1965--and a variety of independent variables drawn from major sociological theories of economic growth published during the last 3 decades. Multiple regression analysis shows that, net of the effects of the 2 control variables, the variables which have the strongest effect on economic growth are: 1) direct foreign investment, which has a negative effect, 2) the proportion of the population in military service, and 3) the primary school enrollment ratio, both of which have positive effects on economic growth. On the other hand, variables drawn from some theories receive no empirical support. The mass media of communications, ethnolinguistic heterogeneity, democracy and human rights, income inequality, and state-centric theory's key variable, state strength, all fail to show any significant impact on economic growth rates when the control variables and the significant independent variables are held constant. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

Diversified business groups play a major role in the economies of many developing countries. Business group members, often from the same communal, ethnic, or tribal group, have or develop interpersonal relations that make it easier to obtain information and monitor compliance related to transactions that require a strong measure of trust. This in-group cohesion facilitates profitable and productive economic activity. However, it can create resentment among other members of society who are barred from membership in a group that is, of necessity, exclusive. This envy can fuel a self-reinforcing cycle of societal hostility and group protectiveness that can deprive society of the economic benefits the groups can provide. There are several possible reactions such as "affirmative action" programs that can slow or stop the cycle of envy and group vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluates the economic benefits derived by Canada from its acceptance of Third World professional-technical immigrants. Patterns of Third World brain drain to Canada between 1962 and 1974; Impact of manpower movement on the Canadian economy; Comparison of manpower movement and amount of Canadian aid to the Third World; Reduction in real values of Canadian aid.

This article presents three related findings on regional decentralization. We use an original dataset collected in Uganda to establish, for the first time in a developing country context, that individuals have meaningful preferences over the degree of regional decentralization they desire, ranging from centralism to secessionism. Second, multilevel models suggest that a small share of this variation is explained at the district and ethnic group levels. The preference for regional decentralization monotonically increases with an ethnic group or a district’s average ethnic attachment. However, the relationship with an ethnic group or district’s income is U-shaped: both the richest and the poorest groups desire more regionalism, reconciling interest-based and identity-based explanations for regionalism. Finally, we show that higher individual ethnic attachment increases preferences for regionalism using fixed effects and a new matching method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing consensus in the literature that the occurrence of political budget cycles (PBCs) is highly conditional upon context. Most studies have focused on incumbents' abilities to engage in pre-electoral fiscal manipulation while neglecting their incentives. This is particularly true for studies outside the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which have attributed to incumbents a uniform and constant motivation to manipulate budgets in order to win elections. We argue that this is not the case. Using new data on state spending from 1960 to 2006 for 76 non-OECD countries, we show that PBCs primarily occur under conditions of uncertain electoral prospects. Thus, incentives to manipulate public spending prior to elections vary according to the incumbent's electoral confidence. Given the particular context of non-OECD countries, we argue theoretically and show empirically that incumbents' electoral confidence primarily depends on the tightness of past electoral results. Past political competition is thus a key driver of fiscal behavior in non-OECD countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of political development over the past half century has been heavily influenced by the ebb and flow of democracy in the global South. The global experience has demonstrated that the geographic, economic, and cultural range of democratic regimes is far more expansive than often assumed half a century ago, forcing major theoretical reassessments of democracy's political origins and social correlates. At the same time, the challenges of constructing effective representative and participatory institutions to stabilize democracy and make it more 'consequential' have become increasingly apparent. The tensions between democracy's rapid spread and its oftentimes shallow reach have fostered a wide range of experiments with new representative and participatory channels, creating a fluid democratic landscape in much of the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and why do developmental state institutions persist? We address this conceptual question through an empirical puzzle: even though Pakistan and Turkey, like South Korea and Taiwan, constructed postwar developmental state institutions, the Pakistani and Turkish economies have been unable to upgrade to higher value-added production following the Korean and Taiwanese experience. If, as many scholars argue, the creation of developmental state institutions is necessary and sufficient for high growth outcomes, how can we understand the divergence between these two sets of cases? We argue that that the persistence of developmental state institutions is contingent on the absence of articulated opposition from agrarian actors and provincial capitalists against regimes of industrial promotion. While Korea and Taiwan suppressed or co-opted potential challengers from the countryside, such actors in Pakistan and Turkey effectively challenged the developmental state in the mid-1970s. We suggest that the politics of developmental state persistence are analytically distinct from the origins of developmental states, thus enabling a more dynamic understanding of the relationship between the politics of developmental state institutions and late industrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant influence on politics back home has arguably become broader and deeper in the wake of a widespread convergence between out-migration and democratization. This article seeks to identify the structural conditions under which migrants from post-1980 democracies are likely to activate the 'diaspora channel' of political influence back home. Specifically, I identify, explain, and code two sets of incentives likely to induce migrants to engage in home-country politics from abroad: (1) socioeconomic incentives generated by cross-border linkages and migrant characteristics likely to predispose them toward broader forms of transnational engagement and (2) political incentives generated by diaspora politicization and formal access to the political process in the home country. I score these incentives in 40 developing countries and then generate hypotheses about the degree to which migrants from these countries are likely to activate the diaspora channel through participation in home-country elections, lobbying for policy changes by the home-country government, or transnational coproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In developing countries that are democratizing after military rule, and undergoing liberalizing economic reforms that encourage a shrinking of the state, what missions are the armed forces performing, who funds those missions, who benefits from military services, and why? This article analyzes security provision by the armed forces for paying clients-especially private companies in extractive industries-in accordance with negotiations between clients and commanders of the local military units that directly provide the security. The analysis identifies two paths toward local military-client relations. First, weak state capacity may mean that government control of military finances brought by democratization and economic reform remains limited to the national level, promoting local military-client exchanges. Second, amid minimal government control of military finances, even in the capital city, demand from companies in the powerful extractive industries and from recently endowed subnational governments can encourage local military-client contracting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the theoretical work on preferences for redistribution begins with the influential Melzer-Richard model, which makes predictions derived both from position in the income distribution and the overall level of inequality. Our evidence, however, points to limitations on such models of distributive politics. Drawing on World Values Survey evidence on preferences for redistribution in 41 developing countries, we find that the preferences of low-income groups vary significantly depending on occupation and place of residence, union members do not hold progressive views, and inequality has limited effects on demands for redistribution and may even dampen them. [Figure not available: see fulltext.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When compared to Latin America, Asian economies since 1980 have grown faster and have done so with relatively modest inequalities. Why? A comparison of Asia and Latin America underlines the superiority of the nationalist capitalist model of development, which has often been pursued more explicitly in Asia, over that of a dependent capitalist model, which has often been pursued in Latin America. In comparison to Latin America, the Asian model has facilitated higher and less volatile rates of economic growth and a greater political room to pursue social democratic policies. The “tap root” of these alternate pathways is relative autonomy from global constraints: states and economies in Asia have been more nationalist and autonomous than in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note underscores the need for more precise causal theories linking the international division of labor, national economies, and public policies. To that end, the author recommends two literatures upon which a revised dependency theory might build, namely, those on economic geography and the political economy of redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been increased emphasis in the last three decades on the decentralization of natural resource governance decisions to local government in developing countries as a means of improving environmental quality, public service delivery, and the accountability of local officials. We examine the performance of decentralization of natural resource management services in a large sample of municipal governments in four Latin American countries. Our analysis includes a variety of factors discussed in the literature as important in influencing the responsiveness of government officials to local needs. We provide a nested institutional model in which local officials respond to incentives created by the structure of formal political institutions at both the local and national level. The results provide support for the importance of considering local and national institutional arrangements as these co-determine the political incentives within decentralized systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We review the theoretical literature on the concept of institutions and its relationship to national development, propose a definition of the concept, and advance six hypotheses about institutional adequacy and contributions to national development. We then present results of a comparative empirical study of existing institutions in three Latin American countries and examine their organizational similarities and differences. Employing the qualitative comparative method (QCA) proposed by Ragin, we then test the six hypotheses. Results converge in showing the importance of meritocracy, immunity to corruption, absence of “islands of power,” and proactivity in producing effective institutions. Findings strongly support Peter Evans’ theory of developmental apparatuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the recent emergence of corporate environmentalism in developing countries? Why have certain firms surpassed others in greening their activities? This article situates the uneven dynamics of corporate greening within a theoretical framework of convergence, firm specificity, and heterogeneity. Through a comparative analysis of firms in three sectors—automobiles, steel, and power—of the Indian economy during the past two decades, I show that corporate greening is rooted in processes of growing international political engagement, market integration, and transnational social communication. Together, these processes have unleashed various economic and sociological convergence dynamics, which have led firms in India to adopt more environmentally sound innovations and performances increasingly similar to those found in many developed countries. Yet firms’ connectedness to external pressures fostering “upward” convergence varies, as do their internal capabilities to respond to them. Heterogeneity in these internal and external variables, and the firm-specific strategies linking them, accounts for much of the unevenness in patterns of corporate environmentalism observed in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although China and India rely on coal to fuel most of their electricity generation, both countries are also home to burgeoning wind power industries. India currently leads the developing world in manufacturing utility-scale wind turbines, and China is close behind. This study examines the technology development strategies that have been pursued by the companies Suzlon and Goldwind, India and China’s leading wind turbine manufacturers. While the institutional and other barriers present in large, developing countries such as China and India certainly challenge any simplistic notions of energy leapfrogging, an examination of wind turbine development in these countries has shown that substantial technical advances are possible in a relatively short time. While both Suzlon and Goldwind pursued similar licensing arrangements to acquire basic technical knowledge, Goldwind’s technology development model lacks Suzlon’s network of strategically positioned global subsidiaries that contribute to its base of industry knowledge and technical capacity. This examination of how two leading developing-country firms have acquired and assimilated advanced technologies provides crucial insights into facilitating international technology transfers, which will be an important component of any technological leapfrogging strategy to achieve lower greenhouse gas emissions in the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the global distribution of growth and economic activity? Proponents of unit-level explanations dismiss systems-level arguments like dependency and world systems theory for logically incorrect reasons. They argue that these system-level arguments lack the precise mechanisms that various unit-level arguments provide. But the absence of precise system-level causal mechanisms in some system-level theories does not logically imply that all system-level theories are wrong. Economic geography provides system-level theories with precise mechanisms that comport with most of the economic predictions offered by dependency theories. This does not mean that unit-level theories are either wrong or useless, but rather that unit-level explanations must (1) claim that the new economic geography is totally wrong, or (2) show how system and unit-level mechanisms interact causally, or (3) argue that unit-level mechanisms are independent of system-level causal mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies show that in non-Communist developed and developing countries earlier development of agriculture, a dense population, and a state-level polity is associated with a higher income and more rapid economic growth in the late twentieth century. We investigate whether this was also the case for countries under communism and for the same countries in transition to a market economy. Our findings are generally affirmative, with an interesting pattern for the Eurasian socialist core countries involving higher growth nearer their West European and East Asian poles. We also find that ethnic fractionalization, which is correlated with late premodern development, shows harmful effects in the transition era but not under communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates whether workers in less-developed countries (LDC) are winners or losers in the expanding global economy. This study is distinctive in that it looks beyond the impact of globalization on direct economic benefits to labor (employment and surplus labor) and assesses if workers simultaneously improve their bargaining power in the marketplace. I use a time-series cross sectional panel data set for 59 developing countries from 1972 to 1997 to demonstrate that the overall impact of globalization on labor has been different in countries at various levels of economic development. These results challenge conventional wisdom by revealing that under conditions of globalization, labor in low-income countries is not necessarily in a better bargaining position despite certain economic gains. In contrast, labor in high-income countries enjoys both greater economic benefits and an improved bargaining position. The absolute "winners" in globalization ultimately comprise a small percentage of the larger labor force in the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries have limited control over the distributional and substantive dimensions of international institutions, but they retain an important stake in a rule-based international order that can reduce uncertainty and stabilize expectations. Because international institutions can provide small states with a potential mechanism to bind more powerful states to mutually recognized rules, developing countries may seek to strengthen the procedural dimensions of multilateral institutions. Clear and strong multilateral rules cannot substitute for weakness, but they can help ameliorate some of the vulnerability that is a product of developing countries' position in the international system. This article uses the contemporary international politics of intellectual property rights (IPRs) as a lens to examine North-South conflicts over international economic governance and the possibilities of institutional reform. Lacking the power to revise the substance of the World Trade Organization's Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), developing countries, allied with a network of international public health activists, subsequently designed strategies to operate within the constraining international political reality they faced. They sought to clarify the rules of international patent law, to affirm the rights established during the TRIPS negotiations, and to minimize vulnerability to opportunism by powerful states. In doing so the developing countries reinforced global governance in IPRs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on issues on the impact of industrialization on poor countries. Reference to the article "Industrial Convergence, Globalization, and the Persistence of the North-South Divide," published in 2003 issue of the journal "Studies in Comparative International Development"; Claim on the association of industrial convergence with convergence in incomes between First and Third world countries; Examination whether industrialization advances poor countries economically; Absence of credible evidence that industrialization has been an ineffectual means of economic advancement in the Third World.

Prior research on the politics of market reform in developing nations has generally ignored the significant role of federal political and economic arrangements in shaping adjustment processes. In contrast, this research develops a model of macroeco-nomic reform that accounts for the significance of subnational economic policy in the developing world's nine major federations. I examine five hypotheses which are expected to influence the capacity of developing federations to conduct policy consistent with the exigencies of market pressures. With the use of a cross-sec-tional time-series analysis of fiscal and monetary policies, I show that the policy divergence between levels of government shrinks when provincial governments have greater fiscal power and there are high degrees of party centralization across levels of government. These findings have important implications for the political economy of market reform, the widespread move toward fiscal decentralization, and the design of regional supranational institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this article are to revisit the critical role that foreign aid presently plays in the economic growth of the LDCs and to examine the nature of its utilization in those countries which heavily rely on foreign aid. Other sources of economic growth such as capital (physical and human capital), raw labor, technological changes, and the degree of political and civil liberties will also be considered. Using average cross-sectional data for eighty countries over the 1971–1990 period, the study shows that foreign aid has a statistically positive effect on economic growth in developing countries. Lack of political and civil liberties is found to have a negative, but statistically marginal impact on economic growth. A policy implication which may be drawn from the study is that foreign capital inflow can have a beneficial effect by supplementing domestic savings rather than replacing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the relationship between political institutions and interest group behavior within the context of developing countries, taking Argentina as an example. Decay of weak governmental institutions; Development of strong distributional coalitions following Mancur Olson's theory of interest group behavior; Analysis of the economic reforms of the Menem administration.

Surveys political development frameworks for analyzing the post-Communist transition to political democracy. Study of Third World political economic and political development; Likelihood of the development of democratic politics in developing countries ruled by unstable regimes; Factors influencing rapid disillusionment by the people of the Third World.

Discusses the promotion of public-private partnerships in third world development agencies like the US AID, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Importance of partnerships in donor-country development thinking in the 1980s; Role in the development process.

Explores hypotheses suggesting why intrafirm trade and subcontracting may become more important factors in newly-industrialized countries (NIC) exports to the United States. Changing composition of the NIC exports; Changing technology; Developed country protectionism.

Focuses on the need for municipal governments of developing countries to improve administrative capacity to manage revenue raising and expenditure operations more effectively. Expansion of types of revenues suggested by international organizations; Financial management problems of municipal governments; Implications for improving local management capacity.

Examines the relation between exports and economic growth in less developed countries. Increase in the level of export processing; Gross domestic product growth; Change in commodity terms of trade.

Examines the foundations and governments of developing countries. Overview of foundations and governments in the era of technical assistance; Scale and types of foundation engagements; Efforts to improve public management and planning; Sector management and outreach.

Argues that political choice takes the form of a choice between two alternatives. Information on the ideological and institutional bases of party charisma in the Third World; Types of party systems; Characteristics of charisma in the post-revolutionary period; Peculiarity of authority structure in the Third World.