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Since their introduction in the Criminal Justice Act 1982, probation day centres have assumed an important role in the work of the probation service and as a sentencing option. This paper discusses the success of day centres in terms of their reconviction rates, while pointing to the limitations of relying solely on this criterion as a measure of success. It is concluded that, taking account of the high-risk offenders who tend to be the recipients of a day centre order ( 17-25years old, with several previous convictions and experience of custody), the reconviction rates of centres are not unacceptable, although wide variation among centres merits further study. Probation day centres are the most recent major development in mainstream probation work—and may well be the most significant—since the introduction of the community service order in the mid-1970s.1 Day centres offer probation officers a new method of working with offenders; in the centres, group work replaces individual counselling. Since the Criminal Justice Act 1982 the number of day centres in existence has multiplied rapidly (it is difficult to state with any degree of certainty how many centres exist, but it is likely that there are between 80 and 100 in operation) and they are now a major probation resource. Their significance is set to increase further as a result of the emphasis given to their role in governmental probation service policy; both the Green Paper Punishment, Custody and the Community (Home Office 1988), and the subsequent White Paper Crime, Justice and Protecting the Public (Home Office 1990a) discuss the importance of day centres. Following the implementation of the Criminal Justice Act (which gives effect to some of the proposals set out in the White Paper), probation services will increasingly be called upon to manage individual packages of supervision for more serious offenders, and day centres will provide an important contribution to such packages. Indeed, it is clear already that day centres are playing a significant role in the development of many intensive probation programmes (twenty such pro grammes have been set up). Day centres vary widely from place to place in terms of the number and types of staff, the kinds of offenders accepted, the programme and courses on offer, the length of order, and the opening times of centres (Mair 1988). Offenders are required to attend a day centre in addition to being subject to a probation order, and the majority of centres aim to offer a direct alternative to a custodial sentence. A typical day centre would have around ten staff (consisting of two probation officers, two probation ancillary workers, three volunteer workers, two sessional supervisors, and one clerical/secretarial worker), although these would not all be full-time. About twenty to twenty-five

Baldock, J. G. (1980). " Why the Prison Population has Grown Larger and Younger ", Howard Journal, 19, 142-155. Banks, C. and Fairhead, S. (1976), The Petty Short-Term Prisoner, Chichester, Barry Rose. Bottoms, A. E. (1977). " The Suspended Sentence after Ten Years: A Review and Reassessment ", Frank Dawtry Memorial Seminar, University of Leeds, November. Leeds University Centre for Social Work and Applied Social Studies, Occasional Paper No. 2. Conservative Study Group (1977), The Proper Use of Prisons, London: Conserva tive Political Centre.

A recurring theme of criminal justice reform in the years following the financial crisis of 2008 has been the costs of incarceration and the effort to reduce correctional populations. This paper examines one aspect of this post-crisis landscape: the social impact bond (SIB). First piloted in Peterborough prison in 2010, SIBs use private investment to fund social programs with governments paying a return if these programs are successful. Drawing from research on SIBs in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom, the paper explores this effort to turn (re)offending into an investment, its challenges and how SIBs reveal a financial ‘style of reasoning’ that is re-shaping the ‘culture of crime control’ with critical implications for providers, programs and participants.

This paper seeks to develop an understanding of interpersonal violence within an urban landscape. An increase in violent crime has garnered intense media attention with drill—an emerging subgenre of hip hop—being sighted by media outlets as a causal factor for the rise in gang-related violence. Within this perspective, the Metropolitan Police took action, which affirmed this narrative. This paper seeks to refute such simplistic discussions of interpersonal violence whilst recognizing the opportunity such notions pose for academics to utilize knowledge of subcultures to explore possible insights into the wider understanding of violence and capitalism.

The challenges facing domestic violence (DV) survivors has become the subject of a growing body of intersectional analysis; this paper presents a new intersectional framework for analysing DV policy and practice. Examining a partnership between women’s sector organizations and the criminal justice system in London, using interviews with professionals from the bodies, the paper offers an intersectional analysis of the implications, positive and negative, for both policy and practice. The complex interplay between women’s sector organizations and the criminal justice system demonstrate how the intersections of gender, class, ‘race’ and immigration status affect the way DV survivors are able to access and benefit from support, concluding that, to operate more effectively, DV support must consider all forms of oppression and violence affecting the lives of all their users.

This paper explores fraudulent acts by offenders who target and pressurize older adults ‘on the doorstep’ to have property repairs, often misrepresenting themselves as skilled tradesmen, and overcharging for such work. It uses extensive documentary materials from 11 enforcement operations in England together with interviews with trading standards officers and financial investigators. Using Reiner’s (2000) Necessary Conditions of Crime framework illustrates the dynamics of doorstep fraud – from ‘low-value’ crimes to incidents of grooming and repeated victimization to the actions of organized crime groups often involving money laundering. The paper’s contribution is a focus on a relatively understudied but vulnerable demographic group in criminology, and in highlighting the investigation practices of non-constabulary law enforcement officers who have not been the subject of empirical study in criminology

Although the rules governing police interviews with suspects in custody have been well regulated since the introduction of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) in England and Wales and Northern Ireland, concern has been expressed over the years about the vulnerable position of young suspects within the PACE regime and about the adequacy of the safeguards provided. This paper discusses the nature of police interviews with young people in Northern Ireland, drawing on the findings of a recent research project. The paper focuses particularly on the roles of the various participants (the interviewing officer(s), the appropriate adult and the solicitor) within the dynamics of advising young persons before and during the police interview and calls for a reconstruction of the role of the appropriate adult.

This paper presents a selection of the findings of a larger empirical research study into the mode of trial decisions in two English magistrates' courts (Cammiss 2005). While the interests of victims within the criminal justice process have recently risen up the political agenda, researchers and policy makers have said little on the place of the victim within the mode of trial hearing. This paper addresses the treatment of domestic violence victims in the mode of trial hearing and shows how, when compared with similar offences, cases of domestic violence are more likely to be disposed of in the magistrates' court rather than the Crown Court. The role of the prosecutor in managing information placed before the court is examined and the consequences for the airing of victims' stories are explored.

The association between drugs and crime is one of the central concerns of contemporary British drugs research and policy. Another major concern in recent years has been the clustering together of the most serious problems of drugs and crime in neighbourhoods already experiencing multiple social and economic difficulties. This paper seeks, first of all, to re-situate the drug-crime nexus in its full social context in order to provide a new perspective on these two key aspects of the British drug problem today. In doing so, the analysis raises in applied form some important issues in criminological theory and the paper attempts, secondly, to make a contribution to these theoretical debates.

This paper situates the most influential explanations of prison riots in relation to the problem of order as conceived in social theory. Although it acknowledges that Useem and Kimball's (1989) synthesis of disorganization and deprivation perspectives remains the most sophisticated discussion of prison unrest, it identifies a number of difficulties in their influential work. Taking the problem of legitimacy as its central target, the paper argues that prisons generate diverse forms of social order. In particular, it reveals how the dull compulsion of prison rituals produces an uneasy peace most of the time and argues that while riots are rare events, they do not happen spontaneously, nor are they inevitably caused by administrative disorganization, legitimation crises, or prisoner deprivation.

This paper introduces the discrete spatial choice approach to the study of criminal target choice. The approach is used to assess whether residential burglars are attracted to target areas that are affluent, accessible, and poorly guarded. In addition, the importance of these criteria is postulated to vary across burglars. The theory is tested using data on 548 residential burglaries, committed by 290 burglars from the city of The Hague, the Netherlands. The likelihood of a neighbourhood’s being selected for burglary is heightened by its ethnic heterogeneity, its percentage of single-family dwellings, and its proximity to where the offender lives. The results and prospects of the discrete spatial choice approach for spatial target selection research are discussed. The problem of criminal location choice is a classical one in criminology. It pertains to the descriptive question of where offenders commit their offences, and to the explanatory question of why they commit them there, rather than somewhere else. In the literature, answers to the latter question have involved two general notions that have usually been dealt with separately. The first is the notion that for a crime to occur, a motivated offender must find a suitable target, in the absence of a capable guardian (Cohen and Felson 1979). The second is the notion that crimes tend to occur close to where the offender lives (Baldwin and Bottoms 1976: 78–98; Wiles and Costello 2000; Ratcliffe 2003). This paper combines these two notions, in an attempt to answer the question of how residential burglars select their target areas. For that purpose, we introduce the discrete spatial choice approach. This approach analyses target selection as being influenced by target characteristics and by offender characteristics, simultaneously. We argue that the discrete spatial choice approach is able to integrate previous findings in this field of inquiry, and is a useful theoretical and methodological tool for research in criminal target choice. In the next section, we present a review of the literature on target selection by burglars. Subsequently, we give an overview of earlier methods in the study of criminal location choice, and introduce the discrete spatial choice approach and the closely related conditional logit model. The approach is then applied to residential burglary in the city of The Hague, the Netherlands, using data from police records. The paper concludes with a summary of the main results, and a discussion of the potential and the pitfalls of the discrete spatial choice approach for studying criminal location choice. * Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR), PO Box 792, NL-2300 AT Leiden, The Netherlands, email: bernasco@nscr.nl or nieuwbeerta@nscr.nl, telephone: +31 71 5278527. The Haaglanden Police Force provided the crime data used in this study. We acknowledge the contributions of Rieny Albers, Hanneke van Essen, Floor Luykx (NSCR), Astrid Patty and Peter Versteegh (Haaglanden Police Force) to the collection and processing of data. We thank Richard Block, Henk Elffers, Jan de Keijser, Jasper van der Kemp and Peter van Koppen and two anonymous reviewers for constructive comments on a previous version.

While prisons are often described as places of pain, despair and hopelessness, studies show that some prisoners under certain conditions report positive life changes happening in prison. This paper explores the connections between trust and desistance processes, specifically between the experience of being trusted and ‘tertiary desistance’. I argue that trust can be an engine of positive change in prison and that the experience of being trusted might even acquire additional value from the low-trust and risk-sensitive environment that most prisons normally offer prisoners. Finally, I discuss whether prisons that manage to get this balance right deserve to be called ‘reinventive prisons’.

Human rights have become a dominant paradigm in police reform projects worldwide, championed by policymakers, legislators and campaigners alike. Such projects are often premised on, and evaluated according to, a conception of human rights as an autonomous, coherent and legitimate body of norms. It is a paradigm made real through formal training, procedures and oversight. This paper invites a different reading of human rights. Drawing on extensive interviews with junior officers, it reveals how human rights come to be emergent from, and embedded within, the minutia of their working lives. The presence and meaning of human rights are sustained through a series of ‘sensemaking’ narratives arising from the rich intermingling of legal and organizational representations of rights and officers’ own experiences. Subtle variations, inconsistencies and contradictions in officers’ sensemaking are revealed across a four-fold typology which disrupts the stability and coherency of the human rights paradigm, but also generalizations made about police culture.

Domestic Violence Disclosure Schemes (DVDS), recently introduced in many jurisdictions, aim to empower victim-survivors of domestic abuse by giving them access to information about their partner’s criminal history. This paper presents findings from the largest study of the police implementation of the first such scheme, introduced in the United Kingdom in 2014. It finds that the disclosure process is increasingly being shaped by a child protection agenda that makes victim-survivors responsible for protecting their children from the harms of domestic abuse. It examines tensions and dilemmas this raises for police seeking to safeguarding and empower victim-survivors, and draws on feminist ethical theory to develop a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics between the professional spheres of domestic abuse and child protection.

People with learning disabilities’ experiences of punishment and prison life remain invisible within prison policy and research. With participants’ voices central, this paper makes visible the hidden harms experienced by a hidden population, exposing the multi-faceted and nested forms of harm that people with learning disabilities encounter while in prison as a result of direct and indirect discrimination. It highlights the ways in which they navigate prison life and respond to structural and inaccessible barriers that adversely impact their understanding of their sentence, access to services, and ontological security. By drawing together conceptual and methodological insights from disability studies and prison sociology, I offer new insights into the distinct yet challenging aspects of prison life for people with learning disabilities.

Some immigrants can be reluctant to cooperate with the police due to experiences of social exclusion and discrimination. Procedural justice scholars argue that people cooperate with police when they feel the police are just and fair because such treatment motivates identification with social categories that police represent. In this paper, we consider whether immigrants in Australia respond favourably to procedurally just treatment from police because it enhances their identification with both Australia and the police. Using survey data from 903 Vietnamese, Middle Eastern and British immigrants, we demonstrate an association between police procedural justice and both modes of identification. We also find that both identities mediate the relationship between procedural justice and cooperation. The implications of these findings are discussed.

The relations between sentencing and post-sentencing stages (e.g., the implementation of prison, parole or community-based sanctions) are often perceived through temporal, spatial and normative binaries. The static time of retributive calibration—as fully known at sentencing time—stands at the heart of this separation. Through qualitative findings drawn from parole-board chairpersons in Israel, the paper argues that retributive punishment may evolve with time. As the findings suggest, parole decision-makers often go beyond risk and rehabilitation and reframe, reinterpret and renegotiate the dimensions of the deserved punishment. Three temporally dynamic themes of retributive discourses were described: (1) unexpected suffering review; (2) moral character revaluation; and (3) diminished censure reassessment. The findings challenge both the static conceptualization of retributive time and the instrumental view of parole decision-making. More generally, the findings question the assumed strict boundaries between sentencing and post-sentencing stages and call for future scholarly engagement with the evolution of punishment over time.

This paper describes briefly the results of an evaluation of one intensive supervision project in the north of England which was targeted at 'high tariff' young offenders. It discusses the diversion effect of the project and offers some assessment of the changes introduced by the Criminal Justice Act 1991 on this particular sentencing option. The main body of the paper reports the findings of a follow-up reconviction study of those young offenders who attended the Edge during its first 12 months of operation and compares their recorded reoffending with two samples from this age group who received custodial sentences for broadly similar offences. Finally, the possible implications of this study for the continued utility of intensive probation schemes is discussed in the wider contexts of penal policy and social justice. (Abstract Adapted from Source: British Journal of Criminology, 1995. Copyright © 1995 by Oxford University Press) England Foreign Countries Adult Crime Adult Offender Diversion Program Offender Recidivism Program Effectiveness Intensive Supervision Criminal Justice System Justice System Intervention Justice System Effects Justice System Program Young Adult 06-05

Shifting criminal justice practices away from sligmalization and toward rcintegration is no small challenge. The innovation of community conferences in New Zealand and Australia has two structural features that are conducive to reinlegralive shaming: (a) selection of the people who respect and care most about the offender as conference participants (conducing to rcintegration) ; and (b) confrontation with victims (conducing to shaming). Observation of some failures and successes of these conferences in reintegrating both offenders and victims is used to hypothesize 14 conditions of successful reinlegration ceremonies. The spectre of failure haunts modern criminology and penology. Deep down many feel what some say openly—that 'nothing works': that despite decades of study and debate, we are no nearer deterrence than we ever were and/or that more 'humane' forms of treatment are mere masquerades concealing a descent into Kafaesque bureaucracy where offenders suffer a slow and silent suffocation of the soul. Worse still, we fear that even when something does work, it is seen to do so only in the eyes of certain professionals, while 'outside' the system ordinary citizens are left without a role or voice in the criminal justice process. This paper takes a different view. Rejecting the pessimism that pervades discussions about crime and punishment, it offers an optimistic view of at least one area—the punishment of juvenile offenders. It argues that it is possible to develop practices that 'work'—both in the sense of reducing recidivism and reintegrating offenders into a wider web of community ties and support and, at the same time, in giving victims a 'voice' in a fashion that is both satisfying and also socially productive. Further, it links a theory (reintegrative shaming) and a practice (the reintegration ceremony) which explain how to understand and how to implement this success. While there are elements that are quite distinctive about both the theory and practice of reintegrative shaming, there is also a great deal in common with the theory and practice of 'making amends' (Wright 1982); restorative justice (Cragg 1992; Galaway and Hudson 1990; Zehr 1990); reconciliation (Dignan 1992; Marshall 1985; Umbreit 1985); peacemaking (Pepinsky and Quinney 1991); redress (de Haan 1990) and feminist abolitionism (Meima 1990). We differ from abolitionists, however, in believing that it is right to shame certain kinds of conduct as criminal in certain contexts. The rest of the paper has two sections. The second section outlines some fieldwork

This paper outlines the results of research into the attitudes of part-time members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Part-time officers represent almost 20 per cent of the RUC's total manpower. Their views therefore offer an important insight into the larger force. The RUC operates in a society fundamentally divided on a range of political and social attitudes. A consequence is that the RUC is often subject to the criticism that it does not reflect the views of Northern Ireland society and therefore lacks impartiality. This paper examines these criticisms by exploring the religious composition of the part-time force and the differences that exist within the force in social attitudes; where appropriate, it makes comparisons with Northern Ireland society as a whole. Results reveal a predominantly Protestant part-time force that closely resembles the Protestant population in its social attitudes. By contrast, the views of Catholic members of the part-time force are often in marked contrast to those of the Catholic community and conform more readily to a predominantly Protestant occupational culture. This imposes upon the Catholic part-time officer of major process of detachment from the Catholic community.

In Canada over the past ten years there has been extensive debate about street prostitution. Despite a variety of legal and other attempts to suppress it (including extensive enforcement of a new law making it an offence to communicate' in a public place for the purpose of buying or selling sexual services) the street trade persists. In several cities--this paper focuses on Vancouver--a mood of pessimism prevails. In stark contrast to this experience, Roger Matthews has claimed that, during the early 1980s, a multi-agency approach' successfully rid London's Finsbury Park of prostitution--and without displacing it to other areas. On the basis of this finding he concludes that prostitution is much more opportunistic than has often been supposed. But can this optimistic conclusion be drawn from the information that he presents to support it? And how should one interpret the very different experience in Vancouver, where there have been fourteen different prostitution strolls in the past ten years, and where the changing geography of street prostitution has been intimately related to law enforcement efforts? This paper sets out to answer such questions.

This paper proposes a new framework for researching victims that blends appreciative inquiry methods used by prison researchers (Liebling, Elliott and Arnold 2001) with narrative interview methods used by desistance researchers (Maruna 2001) to investigate victim 'strength-growth-resilience'. Alongside established victimological concerns with the extent, distribution and treatment of crime victims, this framework offers an alternative lens that focuses on victim agency, identity and transformation. Building on the emancipatory project of feminist victimology (Davies 2017), narrative and cultural criminology (Presser 2016, Ferrell, Hayward and Young 2008) and an emerging narrative victimology (Pemberton et.al. 2019, Walklate et.al. 2019) the framework aims to provide a new conceptual reference point for victimological research. The article's objectives are to demonstrate that this framework delivers a theoretically, empirically and ethically robust approach for exploring the mechanisms by which victims become resilient, and can even flourish, in the aftermath of criminal harm.

The present paper sheds light on the conditions for successfully implementing pretrial risk assessment tools by looking at barriers to their implementation and, specifically, political factors that can derail this process. Drawing on theoretical assumptions about the role of agenda-setting and public discourse in policy change, we examine three US states where the implementation of pretrial tools was halted or heavily restricted. Our findings suggest that a politicization of these tools plays a central role for thwarting their implementation. This has less to do with their technical properties or performance. Rather, through reaching high-level politics, those tools are publicly linked to concerns about opacity, fairness and public safety such that it simply becomes politically safer for politicians to stick with the status quo.

This paper draws upon the first national study of local responses to child-to-parent violence (CPV) in England and Wales to examine emergent representations of CPV and consider their implications for children and families. Central amongst these is the Government’s depiction of CPV as a form of ‘domestic violence and abuse’. For many individuals and organizations, that term is synonymous with intimate partner violence. We contend that the resulting conflation of (and confusion between) violence by intimate partners, and by children, towards women is producing dominant representations of CPV that may have negative consequences for families. Our research with over 200 practitioners reveals the existence of subjugated knowledges of CPV, however, that provide pockets of resistance to these dominant representations.