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The relative effectiveness of strictness theory and modernization theory in explaining congregational growth is tested using a random sample of white, Protestant churches in Middletown (N = 98). Although the former theory predicts that growth is positively related to an authoritative structure and to enforcing rules of ascetic strictness, modernization theory predicts the opposite pattern. For our sample, authoritative leadership seemed not to produce congregational growth. The main finding was that strict rules positively related to growth among working-class congregations, but negatively related to growth among middle-class congregations.

Iannaccone (1994) proposed that church success results from controlling the free-rider problem and that churches with few free-riders are more likely to provide collective rewards. Using a sample of 'Middletown' residents (N = 567), we tested hypotheses derived from Iannaccone's theory. Our critical variable was respondents' estimates of the number of free-riders in their churches. We found some evidence consistent with the idea that church success is negatively related to the number of free-riders, but the results were not statistically significant; moreover Catholicism seems to have more free-riders than would be predicted by Iannaccone's theory. The number of free-riders was not related to two collective rewards measured in this study: the absence of noninvolved people at church services and participation in supportive church groups.

This study examines the ideological and structural bases for attitudes and political action relating to abortion. Data on abortion attitudes from a random sample of 'Middletown' in the fall of 1989 (N = 400) indicated that the strongest effects on abortion attitude stemmed from a belief that life begins at conception, a belief in privacy rights, and religion. Social traditionalism was also found to play an important role in a pro-life stand, but it was influential only for conservative Protestants and not for Catholics. A general commitment to avoid taking anyone's life was significantly related to abortion attitudes but only for Catholics. For political action, the data showed that the pro-life movement was still more important in 1989 than was the pro-choice movement. Party identification was not related to an expressed willingness to use abortion as a political litmus test, but attending pro-life churches did increase the likelihood that pro-life adherents would use abortion in making voting decisions.

This research tested a theoretical model of specific factors leading to support for Pat Robertson's presidential candidacy, using data from a survey of Middletown residents (N = 400). We found that Robertson's followers came from those who watched the '700 Club' television show, from those who were social traditionalists, from those who were political conservatives, and from those who were less well educated. However, Robertson received support only from a minority of these potential supporters. For the less well educated the immediate social environment played a greater role in support of Robertson; among those who were betted educated, political and religious conservatism had a greater impact on political decisions. Resource Mobilization Theory proved inadequate as an explanation of Robertson's appeal. We suggest that his difficulties stemmed not from mistakes in strategy but from the incompatibility of Robertson's program with American culture.