Search

Does a proliferation of activist or advocacy non-governmental organisations (NGOs) indicate greater power to pressure multinationals to behave responsibly? This paper answers this question by exploring how multinational oil companies deploy corporate social responsibility (CSR) as a tool to shape the nature of resistance to their disruptive impacts on extractive contexts in Africa. It focusses in particular on their role in building NGO networks and uses evidence from the activities of Chevron in Nigeria's Niger Delta to show how these networks have become new sites through which multinational corporations exercise hegemonic power over the resistance landscape in the region. It concludes that NGO density – in spite of its appearance of facilitating greater participation – has little impact on the power dynamics in extractive contexts, on the logics of extraction and on the medium-term stability of the sector. What it does achieve is the construction of a gentrified 'resistance and engagement' landscape that is bureaucratised and middle-class driven, that excludes key actors and that is inevitably sympathetic to the oil industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reintegration in conflict settings poses significant challenges. In Nigeria, while much emphasis is placed on deradicalising and rehabilitating former Boko Haram members, including combatants and their families, the community seems to receive minimal priority concerning the traumatic experience they face and its impact on limiting reintegration. This paper makes an original contribution by using an interpretative phenomenological analytical lens to explore community members who are victims with lived experiences of trauma in conflict settings. The study draws on semi-structured interviews with 30 participants recruited from Bornu, Adamawa and Kaduna states. Based on the analysed data, the study found that trauma limits reintegration and fuels scepticism about the genuine reform of the former Boko Haram members and combatants. Trauma was also perceived to transcend the immediate victims and extend to the community. We recommend a trauma-informed cognitive behavioural therapy intervention to create a positive outlook that encourages reintegration and reduces potential recidivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the light of an increasing shift from international interventionism based on liberal peacebuilding to shorter-term stabilisation efforts, this article questions the persistence of the security–development nexus as a theoretical framework backing military and non-military action in conflict-affected areas. It argues that the nexus has been weakened by the prominence gained by regional and national actors on the African continent trying to enforce 'African solutions to African problems'. Drawing on interviews with key informants and mobilising relevant primary and secondary literature, the paper explores how ad hoc military coalitions created by African states to respond to crises on the continent are sanctioning the transition from long-term peacebuilding to short-term stabilisation objectives. Analysing the Nigerian government's counterinsurgency strategy against Boko Haram, we argue that the country has completely dropped the ambition to tackle the root causes of the insurgency, and has instead turned to short-term (and short-sighted) security stabilisation operations in line with the global trend of disengagement from active peacebuilding and development promotion. Thereby, we contend that the adoption of this kind of 'African solutions to African problems' equals militarised crisis-management in the continent's peripheries without advancing sustainable solutions to conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on fieldwork at three camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northeast Nigeria. It interrogates the pre-displacement experiences of participants, their transition to and experiences of internal displacement, vignettes of life at IDP camps, their relationship with host communities, the non-universality of experiences of sexual and gender-based violence among female IDPs (despite the particularities of experiences of women and young girls) and the resilience and agency of IDPs. The paper argues that scholarly engagement with IDPs and their social conditions should go beyond fixation on or fetishisation of poverty. Overall, the paper contributes to the empirical literature on conditions of internal displacement in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Nigerian elections are sufficiently observed by domestic and international observer groups, the frequent pronouncements of religious leaders claiming to have supernatural insights into election outcomes have never captured the attention of these observers. This is despite the fact that election prophecy may have adverse effects on the electoral process and the survival of Nigeria's nascent democracy. This paper critiques the failure of election observers to capture this unfolding trend in their reports bearing in mind that pre-emptive electoral prophecies violate Section 95 (3) (b) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended). The tendency to question the integrity and neutrality of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the judiciary (in cases of post-election litigations), has worsened because of unguarded electoral prophetism. It is therefore recommended that election prophecy should be captured in official election reports so as to – at least – show its enormity. This may trigger a concerted effort among election stakeholders to control it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emphasis on local or hybrid efforts in peacebuilding literature brings front and centre the importance of being rooted within a particular context, with leadership and vision for social change and justice proffered by local actors. This is the same emphasis found in development literature and a necessary foundation for transformation. Scholars and practitioners nevertheless also note a role for outsiders in supporting local efforts (eg Lederach in 2005). Yet a significant challenge arises for outsiders, and to some extent local actors: how do you know what was tried or is underway that you might support or from which you might learn? This paper reports findings from a collaborative research project that examined the gap between the practice of peacebuilding locally and internationally available 'knowledge' via publications produced on local peacebuilding in Jos, Nigeria, between 2001 and 2008. It identifies a staggering gap between efforts and knowledge in the form of publications. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in terms of what it means for outsiders when thinking about helping resource local transformation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender hierarchy and inequality are attributes of Western colonialism enforced in several colonised societies. Similarly, feminism (Western), as the antithesis of European sexism, has permeated colonised societies and has been assimilated without proper reflection. This is concretely evident among the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. Before European colonisation, Yorùbá culture was gender-neutral and gender-silent; women were seen as complementary and not subordinate to men. Hence, according to Oyěwùmí's work on The Invention of Women, caution and reflections must be raised on the continual adoption of mainstream Western feminist philosophy in Yorùbá culture. In essence, the colonial imposition of the Western gender binary in Yorùbá society and women's anti-colonial and feminist activities are discussed. Furthermore, the paper challenges some feminist approaches and ideologies in Nigeria, while advocating for a communal, transformative, and Pan-African feminism in Yorùbá and African societies. The decolonisation of Africa and the Yorùbá education system are recommended, alongside a proper history of Indigenous Yoruba people and knowledges. Contemporary feminist campaigns (including digital feminisms) and movements must also develop a 'shared text of blackness'. The duo should align and improve the worth of women based on the indispensability and esteemed status offered to women in 'pre-colonial' Yorùbá society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualises appropriation as an analytical tool to capture the contradictory nature of human rights localisation. Here appropriation is understood as the intentional reinterpretation of ideas across cultural, spatial and temporal contexts aimed at definitional power. In the first part of the paper I lay out the concept and develop an operationalisation. In the second part I apply the framework to the case of contested gender reform in Nigeria. The analysis highlights the localisation of human rights norms as an amalgam of different competing appropriating acts, leading to a hybrid and contradictory outcome that bears both transformative and stabilising potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the coloniality of power underpins the continuity of colonial situations in postcolonial Africa, (neo)liberal thinking attempts to dismiss its place in Africa’s contemporary challenges, blaming instead anti-colonial struggles and the quest for complete decolonisation as the cause of these challenges. A focus on this neoliberal cum pro-colonial perspectives, at the expense of a corpus of post-, anti- and de-colonial writings that expose and challenge coloniality, however, inhibits our understanding of the consolidation, problematic place and impact of the coloniality of power in postcolonial Africa. Analysing the presence of colonial situations in policy choices and governance patterns, which link Africa’s postcolonial present to their colonial past, this paper claims that the coloniality of power retains its salience in postcolonial Africa. Illustrating with experiences from Nigeria, I show how this continues to structure the state of affairs in Africa even after formal colonialism has ended. This article contributes to the discourse on the legacies of colonialism in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists (herders) are a common phenomenon in Africa. In recent scholarship, environmental change, structural violence and capital flows to agro-pastoral communities are identified as the core conflict drivers. Although scholars differ on the exact causal pathways, most arguments ultimately centre around competition over access to water and land. Yet there is a lot more to learn about the ecology of these conflicts, especially people's perception of pastoral nomads and its implication for conflict resolution. The tendency among researchers is to explore the conflict as if it comprises only objective realities devoid of subjective beliefs. Yet my research shows that popular representations of Fulani herders in Nigeria today reflect ancient stereotypes of nomadic peoples. By ignoring this subjective dimension of the conflict, we limit our understanding of its causes and the reason(s) behind its protraction, and, by extension, are blinded to the need for prejudice reduction. This paper argues that the perception of pastoral nomads as savages is a factor in the conflict because it shapes people's relationship with, and reception of, Fulani herders. Hence, it must be grasped, probed and included in the visioning of conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on anthropological field work in southeastern Nigeria, this paper explores the public concerns and everyday experience of corruption in a society still living with the legacies of the Biafran secession attempt. The paper shows how the revival of Igbo nationalism and resentment over perceived marginalisation is fuelled by perceptions that the corrupt machinery of the federal government runs against the interests of the Igbo people, and funnels resources away from the southeast as punishment for the failed separatist struggle more than 40 years ago. Hence, complaints about corruption are used to critique the Nigerian state and other regional or ethnic groups, but they also figure in an internally focused critique by Igbos of their own complicity in Nigeria’s endemic corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Business managers name Africa's political instability as a key obstacle to economic development, but many companies continue to invest in Africa. The article explains this apparent contradiction by looking at the case of Shell in Nigeria. Nigeria experiences serious political instability, yet Shell is expanding its investment in the country. This article deals with sources of firm-specific political instability that have affected Shell in Nigeria in the past and attempts to explain why a specific corporation such as Shell may want to make investments in the country despite political instability. The examination of three different angles of Shell's activity, which forms the core of this paper, reveals that political instability does not hinder Shell from operating in Nigeria. Firstly, the international perspective illuminates in what way Nigeria may be more attractive to Shell than other countries. Profits in Nigeria appear to be higher than elsewhere, while Shell occupies a dominant market position unrivalled in most other countries. Secondly, the structural perspective illuminates the interconnectedness of Shell with state structures in Nigeria that may tie the company to Nigeria. Shell established a first mover advantage in the 1950s, since Nigeria was a British colony until 1960 and British oil companies were given preferential treatment. After independence, Shell managed to penetrate state structures which helped to hedge political risk in the country. Thirdly, the strategic perspective explores how Shell's strategic approaches may make political instability less significant to Shell. This article concludes that Shell has adopted to political instability. The conclusion that political instability can be conducive to business is significant since one expects political instability to be inherently harmful to business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exponential growth in the size of the private security sector (PSS) in Africa has helped give the issue of its regulation new importance. Yet the ongoing debates over what laws should be passed and by whom tend to ignore the more basic and arguably urgent question of whether African states' justice systems are sufficiently robust to give this legislation meaning. The aim of this paper is to cast some much needed light on this topic by drawing lessons from Nigeria's current experiences. By tracing the development of its PSS code and examining instances of malpractice in its justice system, the article argues that its regulatory framework is fundamentally compromised by corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, several African countries have witnessed an increase in conflict between pastoralists and sedentary farmers and among pastoralist groups. While issues such as climate change, desertification, regional conflicts, population expansion, trafficking and terrorism have been highlighted as the reasons for the surge in violence, none of these issues fully explain the increased use of small and light weapons by several pastoralist groups and sedentary farmers. This article explores the changes in the dynamics of cattle ownership, termed neo-pastoralism, as a possible explanation for the increase in armed clashes between the groups. The article explains how traditional pastoralism is gradually giving way to neo-pastoralism, a form of pastoralism which involves larger herds and increased use of arms and ammunitions. Nigeria is used as a case study to explore these new patterns of conflict due to having the largest number of cattle in the sub-Saharan Africa region and the scale of the conflict in the country. This article is based on field research and interviews carried out in Nigeria between 2013 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU is vigorously pursuing Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) in its trade and aid relations with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Justifying the EPAs as being 'development friendly', EU officials promise that aid support to private sector development (PSD) in ACP countries will make free trade systems 'win–win'. This article, based on the authors' semi-structured interviews conducted in Ghana and Nigeria, examines the perspectives of cocoa stakeholders vis-à-vis EPAs and PSD. Applying critical discourse analysis to interview transcripts, it underscores areas of overlap and, crucially, divergence among cocoa stakeholders' own narratives on PSD support in the context of EPAs and the official legitimating discourse of EU institutions. In the process, the article draws critical attention to cocoa business interviewees' concerns regarding the impact of premature trade liberalisation. It also underscores cocoa stakeholders' concerns that EU PSD promises are not being fulfilled in terms of actual tangible benefits for business people in this vital ACP export sector. Accordingly, the article contributes to, and corroborates, an existing critical scholarly literature which problematises the strategic functions of donor PSD discourse in presenting free trade reforms as being 'pro-poor' in the post-Washington Consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the execution of Osama bin Laden and a few other al-Qaeda kingpins, the incidence of international terrorism seems to be on the decline and the ‘war on terror’ has been applauded as a huge success, with some even arguing that terrorism will fizzle out sooner rather than later. But recent experiences in Nigeria and some other African states reveal that, while global terrorism may be on the decline, the proliferation and radicalisation of local terrorist groups with possible links to al-Qaeda seem to be on the rise. The quest for effective counter-terrorism therefore continues. This article interrogates how Nigeria should respond to the Boko Haram terrorist uprising. Methodologically it relies on both primary and secondary sources of data. It provides an overview of the evolution and dynamics of the uprising in Nigeria, and explores the motivations, strategic operations and responses of Boko Haram. The article shows that the uprising, which engenders general insecurity, is a consequence of governance failure and institutional fragility. Thus, it concludes that, to effectively address the uprising, Nigeria should adopt a human security approach rather than the current emphasis on a repressive state security approach. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the common ideological ground between Islam and Christianity in Nigeria, in the ways in which gender and sexuality are configured in relation to women's bodies. The latter constitute key sites for the inscription of social norms and practices inherent in particular interpretations of religion. We proceed by examining the interplay between religion and politics in historical context and in specific concrete instances. While the religious right among Muslims and Christians share the view that women's bodies are sexually corrupting and therefore in need of control, this perspective is also found in secular institutions. At the same time Christians and Muslims are strongly opposed to controls on women's bodies that may lead to either religious group being identified as 'the other'. The linkage made between women's bodies and 'public morality' produces diverse forms of gender inequality. The moralising of political economy that these processes entail complicates the terrain on which challenges to the politicisation of religion and its gender politics need to be sustained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article enquires into the likely posture of future international law with respect to African peoples. It does so by focusing on three of the most important issues that have defined, and are likely to continue to define, international law's engagement with Africans. These are: the grinding poverty in which most Africans live, the question of agency in their historical search for dignity, and the extent to which these African peoples can effectively resist externally imposed frameworks and measures that have negative effects on their social, economic and political experience. International law's future posture in these respects is considered through an examination of concrete debates relating to agricultural subsidies, debt usury and relief therefrom, and the relocation of framework socioeconomic governance of almost every African state to external institutions. Insights about what the future holds for the effectiveness of Third World resistance are derived from a consideration of the broad lessons that can be learned from the successes or failures of some past Third World struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides some explanations as to why the elections failed to usher in a democratic government, why it was easy for the military to re-establish its control of state power with the support of the political class, and what the future holds for the democratic process in Nigeria. The impasse generated by Babangida's politics had one positive repercussion for Nigeria: it facilitated the massive education and mobilization of the people and the strengthening of civil society. For the first time in Nigeria's political history, pro-democracy organizations, non-governmental organizations and individuals, cutting across religious, gender, regional and class lines came out to insist on the need to respect the will of the people. Several pro-democracy movements emerged on the political scene. The number of organizations affiliated with the Campaign for Democracy increased to over 43. People left their jobs and homes and responded to the call of the to demonstrate against Babangida. Despite Babangida's reputation for repression and the notoriety of the security services and the National Guard, Nigerians came out en masse and succeeded in forcing Babangida out of power in August 1993. This is unprecedented in Nigeria's history. Nigerians had decided that the crafty general had pushed his luck too far and had pushed their patience beyond limits.

The article focuses on development of Islamic reform in Nigeria as an independent nation-state in its relation with Muslims and non-Muslims. Accordingly, Muslims have built a Muslim community in the country which constitutes in a majority in eleven of the twenty-one states. However, political leader Usman dan Fodio in Sokoto initiated the jihad or holy war in nineteenth century calling for a reform movement which involved a loss of autonomy and a measure of enslavement form in some of the non-Muslim people in the country. In addition, the holy war is a duty that holds within the Muslim community as a way of fulfilling that obligation in the contemporary situation.

The article focuses on the works of Wole Soyinka, Head of the International Theatre Institute in Paris, France. These works which made by Soyinka since his high school days are about the corruption and decadence of modern Nigeria. Included in these works are "A Dance of the Forests," "The Trials of Brother Jero," and "The Invention and Other Tales." It also presents the work entitled "The Man Died" which also serve as a general statement of his intention of these written works. Moreover, it informs that Soyinka became popular to authorities as trouble maker and became a prisoner.