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The article analyzes the evolution of international mediation from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. How do changes in international environment influence mediation and research on it? The paper’s hypothesis is that the transformation of international order and political organization of the world, the dynamics of (de)globalization and changes in the nature of international conflict determine the specifics of international mediation and shape the relevant research. Over the last 80 years international mediation evolved through three stages. During the first stage, shaped by the cold war, conflicts were mostly of interstate nature and were settled by states and international organizations. Meanwhile, the growing activity of non-state actors led to the emergence of mediation via “track II diplomacy”. At this stage, the study of international mediation becomes an established research area. The second stage, since the end of 1980s to the beginning of the 21st century, witnessed a rapid progress in the settlement of many protracted regional conflicts, aided by the mediation efforts of the USSR and the United States. In Russia, research on international mediation, previously fragmentary and legalistic, developed into a separate subfield of international studies. During the third stage, in the 21st century, the political organization of the world has been undergoing a turbulent transformation at all the three levels: Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations, and political systems of individual states. The all-encompassing nature of this change increases conflict potential and changes the nature of international conflicts, which become multidimensional and involve a variety of actors. Responding to the demand for managing complex conflicts, new trends in mediation emerge, such as the growth in mediation attempts by developing nations, engagement of peacekeeping missions in mediation, the use of digital technologies for mediation purposes. At the same time, the erosion of the old political organization of the world triggers the rise in identity-based conflicts that involve disagreement over values. As parties to such conflicts are less likely to seek interestbased compromises, the likelihood of successful mediation decreases.

This paper examines the practice of implementing Track-II diplomacy as practiced by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IORAS) in the form of situational analysis, a methodology developed by Academician Yevgeny Primakov. This approach represents an effective tool for resolving international conflicts and enhancing global security by combining science with diplomacy. Special attention is given to a series of three expert discussions on the Concept of Collective Security in the Persian Gulf region, held at IORAS from 2019 to 2023. These discussions demonstrated the method's ability to bring together a broad range of experts for in-depth interdisciplinary analysis of complex international situations. The practical focus of the results from these situational analyses makes them valuable for both policy recommendations and long-term strategic planning. The application of this method fosters the creation of trustful relationships between conflicting parties and the establishment of sustainable mechanisms for international security. The paper also highlights the significance of this practice for the development of Russian foreign policy strategy and its contribution to the interdisciplinary study of international relations.

Book Review: Khenkin S. 2023. Spain. Modern unstable society. Moscow. Aspect Press.Book Review: Khenkin S. 2023. Spain. Modern unstable society. Moscow. Aspect Press.

This article presents relevant tools for analyzing engagement in digital diplomacy, where ‘engagement’ is defined as the two-way interaction between a digital diplomacy channel on social media and its users. Existing methods for evaluating engagement often fail to fully utilize the available data or lack the flexibility needed for specific diplomatic purposes. Using the case study of US digital diplomacy in Russia, this paper addresses two research questions: (1) To what extent are the automated evaluation metrics developed by data aggregator platforms applicable for analyzing engagement in digital diplomacy? (2) Do these metrics help identify significant patterns in digital diplomacy?The findings of our pilot study indicate that the automated engagement metrics provided by the Popsters and TGStat data aggregator services effectively measure engagement in terms of audience reach and expansion, geographic distribution of traffic, overall engagement, and engagement based on content type (text, photo, video, or link) or text length. The analysis of selected metrics reveals two key trends in US digital diplomacy in Russia: since 2022 there has been a notable shift in focus toward Telegram as the primary platform, and while the content partially reaches the existing Russian-speaking audience, it struggles to expand its overall reach.The authors provide six recommendations for diplomatic agencies and consulting firms to enhance the tools for analyzing digital diplomacy engagement: (1) adopt automated engagement metrics that account for the interface differences among social media platforms; (2) incorporate built-in topic modeling of posts; (3) integrate sentiment analysis of comments; (4) develop mechanisms to detect traffic manipulation; (5) track multi-level reposts, the timing and spread of hashtag diplomacy, and audience growth considering these processes; and (6) evaluate digital diplomacy activity concerning responses to comments. The authors advocate for closer collaboration between the academic community and diplomatic practitioners to improve engagement metrics and thereby enhance the effectiveness of digital diplomacy.

In 2023, the world marked 30 years since the start of the Oslo process, which sought to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the ultimate breakdown of these negotiations, it is crucial to examine the evolution of academic research on this process, identifying its key themes and trends. This literature review focuses on both empirical and theoretical studies of the Oslo process, with a particular emphasis on research that investigates the reasons behind its failure. Such studies provide valuable insights for developing more effective models of negotiation and conflict resolution. Initially, the commencement of the Oslo negotiations was met with optimism in the academic community, with scholars highlighting the pivotal role of individual leaders in successfully launching the process. However, as the peace process faltered, the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations were analyzed through existing theoretical frameworks. Various scholars critically examined the Oslo Accords from the perspective of international law and highlighted economic factors that obstructed the path to a lasting peace. Other studies explored indirect influences on the peace process, such as public opinion and electoral dynamics, often employing Robert Putnam's “two-level games” theory. Nevertheless, these studies mainly address the immediate causes of the peace process’s failure and do not fully account for the underlying motivations driving the behavior of actors in the negotiations. Research into the deeper causes of the Oslo process’s collapse has highlighted socio-psychological barriers, such as the “conflict syndrome” and issues of ontological security. Scholars have investigated the roles of historical memory, collective trauma, and cultural identities in shaping negotiation outcomes. The rise of interdisciplinary approaches—combining insights from psychology, philosophy, and linguistics—has been essential for understanding the complex dimensions of this conflict. The diverse body of research and theories inspired by the Oslo peace process continues to influence the field of negotiation and conflict resolution studies, underscoring the enduring significance of this critical episode in diplomatic history.

This article explores the peace mission of Francesco da Collo and Antonio de Conti, envoys of Emperor Maximilian I of the Holy Roman Empire, to Grand Prince Vasily III of Moscow in 1518–1519. The mission aimed to mediate between Moscow and the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, seeking to align both states for a planned united Christian campaign against the Ottoman Empire, whose expansion in Southeastern Europe posed a serious threat. The study centers on da Collo’s report from the mission, which not only chronicles the negotiations but also provides rare insights into Russian diplomacy and courtly traditions of the early 16th century. The article underscores the critical role of ceremonial practices, such as receptions, banquets, and hunts, in the diplomatic culture of the period.Particular focus is given to da Collo's accounts of his interactions with Vasily III and his entourage, highlighting the crucial importance of personal meetings and informal contacts in the diplomatic process of the time. Despite the envoys' efforts, the mission achieved only a temporary one-year truce, with insurmountable barriers to a comprehensive peace including territorial disputes—especially over the control of Smolensk—and the issue of repatriating Russian prisoners of war from Poland.Furthermore, da Collo’s report serves as an early illustration of how Muscovy was constructed as an eastern, despotic power, offering one of the first examples of Russia being depicted as the “Other” in early modern European thought. The study sheds light on the complex dynamics of diplomacy in this era and reveals how these interactions contributed to the broader European perception of Russia as an alien and adversarial state.

Contemporary international relations, anchored in the principles of multipolarity, frequently employ consensus-based decision-making, which prioritizes respect for all negotiating parties and ensures that the views of all participants are considered equally. While consensus remains a core mechanism for many international organizations, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), it has increasingly come under criticism for its inefficiency and substantial time requirements. This highlights the importance of examining the factors that influence the time needed to reach consensus. Utilizing formal mathematical modeling based on a modified DeGroot model, this article explores how variables such as the size of the negotiating group, the level of authoritativeness, dominance dynamics within the group, and coalition formation affect the time required to achieve consensus. The findings indicate that an increase in group size, on its own, results in only a minor increase in the time needed to reach consensus, becoming a significant factor only when paired with high levels of authoritativeness among the participants. Conversely, the presence of a highly authoritative member within a negotiating group significantly prolongs decision-making time, even in smaller groups, and the formation of coalitions (e.g., due to multiple highly authoritative members) can make reaching consensus impossible. The "consensus minus k" rule, intended to break deadlocks, is found to be ineffective for international organizations with numerous participants and divergent interests. In hierarchical structures, consensus is typically achieved through preliminary negotiations within subgroups, which further prolongs the consensusbuilding process.

The article examines key features, main directions, and current trends in international negotiations between subnational territorial units using the example of cities. In today’s world, where the global political system is undergoing epochal change, the international activities of non-governmental and subnational actors, including their participation in international negotiations, have intensified. One of the key features of international city negotiations is that they occur mainly in a multilevel and multilateral format. This is due to the hybrid nature of cities, which are both state and non-state entities. The balance of power between cities and states in international relations depends on factors such as the degree of autonomy granted to sub-national units by the central government, as well as the level of economic and political influence held by cities. Sometimes, the position of a city may differ significantly from that of the state it belongs to. At the international level, there are several specialized institutions and mechanisms that allow cities to coordinate their positions and develop common approaches. These include the World Association of United Cities and Local Authorities, the World Assembly of Local and Regional Authorities, and the Metropolis Association. The main topics of today’s multilateral negotiations between cities include combating climate change, ensuring protection from natural disasters, promoting the rights of migrants and other displaced people, and fostering innovation in urban environment and governance. In contrast, bilateral negotiations between cities, based on the institution of sister cities, focus more on the humanitarian, scientific, educational, and cultural spheres of cooperation. Finally, current trends in international city negotiations include the increasing use of digital technologies and the geographical reorientation of Russian cities’ partnerships towards the countries of the “global majority.”

The fragmentation of the Internet, which has replaced information globalization, is becoming a new reality. Digital technologies and the Internet are becoming a field of new geopolitical contradictions and a struggle for leadership between the great powers. Cyber diplomacy, which includes a range of issues of using ICT to achieve the foreign policy goals of the state, as well as new problematic and subject areas of international relations arising in connection with digitalization, is the most important tool for interstate competition and conflicts, as well as a means of conducting information wars.At the international level, there are no internationally recognized norms governing the development and use of digital tools in the framework of foreign policy, interstate competition or confrontation. It becomes especially important to develop rules for the responsible behavior of states in the global information space. Methodologically, the article is based on the theory of the life cycle of norms. According to this approach, norms are social standards that regulate the behavior of states in a certain area of international relations. At present, there has been a rejection of the norms of the global Internet, which has been promoted by the United States for a long time, free from state borders. A set of norms has been formed in the field of responsible behavior of states in the ICT environment, enshrined in the documents of the UN, regional organizations and other international forums. However, the directions of their development and practical application remain the subject of interstate discussions, in view of the high significance of this problem and the differences in the interests and approaches of states.

This article seeks to delineate the foreign policy priorities of the People's Republic of China (PRC) by analyzing the international visits of Chinese President Xi Jinping. It posits that the evolution of a state's foreign policy can be traced through the foreign engagements of its leaders. This is particularly pertinent for China, where presidential visits are historically significant. The article offers an overview of China's traditional diplomacy and the foreign policy activities of Xi Jinping's predecessors. It concludes that Xi Jinping continues to undertake foreign visits in alignment with the «openness» policy, similar to his predecessors. Through a detailed analysis of the frequency and destinations of Xi Jinping's international visits over his two terms, the authors present a periodization of his foreign policy priorities. A comparative analysis is conducted on the visit frequencies of Xi Jinping and his predecessor, Hu Jintao, with adjustments for the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. With Xi Jinping's re-election for a third term in 2023, this study provides insights into the nature and priorities of China's foreign policy for his current term and potential developments in the ongoing five-year political cycle. The findings indicate that from 2018 to 2023, Xi Jinping increased his visits to Southeast Asian countries, particularly Indonesia and Vietnam, while maintaining a consistent focus on Russia and the United States, akin to the approach under Jiang Zemin. The enduring partnership with Russia, spanning over two decades, corroborates the assertion that Sino-Russian relations are at their strongest in the history of bilateral ties. Data for this study were sourced from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, and materials from the Chinavitae and China Power research projects.

This article examines a previously underexplored aspect of the Russian Civil War during its critical phase in late 1918–1919: the logistical support provided by the Entente to the White armies in the South, set against the backdrop of the final military interventions. The authors concentrate on the interactions between General A.I. Denikin's regime and the British authorities, who were the primary proponents of the Entente's intervention in Russia, as well as the conditions surrounding the involvement of the French armed forces.The research primarily draws on documents from the Russian State Military Archive, created by officers of the White armies of Southern Russia, and the National Archives of Great Britain. This comprehensive source base enables a reassessment of some long-held views in Russian historiography regarding the Entente's intervention in the Black Sea region. The study aims to delineate the scope and nature of the Entente’s support and to understand why this assistance failed to secure a victory for the White forces.Post-Soviet historiography commonly posits that the Red Army enjoyed an economic advantage in terms of weapons and ammunition supply for most of the Civil War. This article, however, reveals that the support from Entente countries was substantial and that the use of foreign weapons and equipment significantly influenced the late 1918-1919 period. Nonetheless, the critical factor, as argued by the authors, was the timing of deliveries. The peak of the Entente’s military-technical support to the Armed Forces of Southern Russia occurred after the Red Army had already fortified its positions with adequate firepower. The lengthy strategic decision-making processes of the British Cabinet, characteristic of British democratic and bureaucratic systems, resulted in delayed assistance to Denikin’s troops, ultimately undermining its effectiveness.

The «Belе and Road Initiative» (BRI), proposed by China, marked a new phase in its external openness and growing desire to influence regional and global processes. However, BRI should not be viewed solely as a Chinese blueprint for restructuring Eurasia. The broad interpretative and geographical scope set by Chinese authorities allows flexibility in adapting the initiative to specific regions and countries, which is strategic for modifying or withdrawing commitments as needed. This paper examines why BRI has not become the foundation for a Chinese concept of Eurasia despite its significant impact on regional geopolitics.Our analysis begins with a critical examination of President Xi Jinping's speech at Nazarbayev University in 2013, identifying the nuanced usage of «Eurasia» that primarily refers to the post-Soviet space rather than the entire Eurasian continent. We delve into the subsequent official documents, noting the delay and ambiguity in defining the geographical and conceptual boundaries of BRI. The 2015 document, "Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road," illustrates the initiative's extensive and vague geographical scope, indicating that China did not initially aim for a broad Eurasian strategy.By employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we uncover how China's official rhetoric strategically frames BRI. The analysis reveals that Chinese discourse emphasizes bilateral rather than multilateral engagements within Eurasia, reflecting a «point-to-point» rather than a networked approach. This strategic ambiguity allows China to navigate its relationships with key regional players, notably Russia and the Central Asian states, without committing to a comprehensive Eurasian integration framework.The findings highlight the cautious and adaptive nature of China's engagement with Eurasia. The shift from a regional to a global scope in BRI discourse underscores China's pragmatic approach in balancing its regional ambitions with global aspirations.

This article explores the challenges facing the modern energy market in the context of the accelerated energy transition. It concludes that neither the objectives nor the preparation for the energy transition have been aligned with the actual needs and demands of humanity. The current goals of the energy transition are ideologically driven and unrealistic, prompting countries and companies to reconsider their previously established timelines for achieving carbon neutrality, while investors are growing increasingly disillusioned with the «green» transition. Despite trillions of dollars in investments, alternative energy sources have failed to replace traditional fuels or ensure reliable energy supply. Concurrently, the demand for electricity will continue to rise with the advancement of artificial intelligence and the expansion of data processing centers.The article highlights that in Europe, the emphasis on the «green» energy transition has led to economic downturns, while in developing countries, the implementation of the energy transition has manifested as «green» neocolonialism, characterized by resource extraction. Lobbying for an accelerated energy transition represents one form of market share competition. Another form includes unlawful sanctions and technological restrictions imposed by the United States on several countries, and the use of the dollar as an economic weapon, which has compelled developing nations to embark on dedollarization processes.The article concludes that energy development must be linked to ensuring energy security, combating poverty, and addressing the interests of the majority. Therefore, hydrocarbons will continue to be a critical component of the energy sector.

Mass cinema can act as a powerful tool for influencing public opinion by appealing to shared values and collective historical memory, while simultaneously constructing and guiding these elements in alignment with policy objectives. This article explores the thesis that national cinema, as an element of a common cultural code, plays a significant role in the formation and reinforcement of collective (socio-cultural) identity. Specifically, it examines the significance of Brussels' efforts to cultivate a robust film industry as part of the European Union's strategy for constructing a collective identity.The authors test the hypothesis that cinema serves as a medium for fostering a sense of belonging and emotional connection among EU citizens. To this end, the study aims to uncover the specific mechanisms by which common historical and social narratives are conveyed through European Union cinema. The research methodology is grounded in a structuralist perspective on cinema (P. Wallen, C. Metz).The article analyzes how the EU has intensified its institutional support and promotion of European cinema, particularly in response to the «crisis of ideas» in Hollywood, which has left a void in the global film market. This analysis is contextualized within the broader sociopolitical landscape, including the rising popularity of mass cinema during the pandemic and the heightened urgency for strengthening EU collective identity amid the Ukrainian crisis and the initiation of a special military operation.The findings indicate that the EU is increasingly leveraging the film industry to disseminate narratives, ideas, and values critical for both situational objectives – such as consolidating public opinion on specific political issues (illustrated by the «militarization» of the film market in response to the 2022 military operation) – and long-term goals of fortifying the EU's collective identity. However, the long-term efficacy of cinema in shaping public opinion is constrained by its susceptibility to rapid trend shifts driven by audience preferences.

The objective of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of how media outlets in Russia, France, and Germany reported on events during the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis was carried out in three stages: comparing the actors of biopolitics, examining the ideologemes of biopolitics, and analyzing the spheres in which biopolitics were implemented. The theoretical and methodological framework of this study is grounded in Michel Foucault's theory of biopolitics, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky's propaganda model, and Didier Bigo's concept of (in)securitization. Texts related to the COVID-19 pandemic were categorized into four «waves» (January 2020 – March 2022) and retrieved using the keywords «pandemic», «covid», and «coronavirus» from the archives of «Rossiyskaya Gazeta», «Kommersant», «Novaya Gazeta», «Le Figaro», «Le Monde», «Le Parisien», «Süddeutsche Zeitung», «Die Zeit», and «Die Tageszeitung». The total volume of analyzed material amounts to 67.62 million words. The results reveal that state power consistently emerges as a key subject of biopower and biopolitics across all the media studied, following Foucault's traditional framework of biopower subjects. This includes a focus on the actions and decisions of government officials and institutions. Additionally, the study found that all examined media outlets participated in promoting vaccination campaigns orchestrated by the governments of Russia, Germany, and France, indicating a widespread alignment with state-led biopolitical strategies.The analysis also shows that the insecuritization of public life during the pandemic affected various sectors including social relations, the economy, healthcare, and education. Media discourse in all three countries highlighted these areas of impact, often framing them within the broader context of public and existential security.Furthermore, the study identifies notable differences in how the media in each country portrayed biopolitical themes. In Russia, media coverage placed a strong emphasis on the central government's role, while in Germany, there was a more pronounced delineation between federal and regional authorities. In France, media outlets often focused on the personal leadership of President Emmanuel Macron. Despite these differences, there were shared themes across all three countries, such as the emphasis on the importance of vaccination and the portrayal of government measures as necessary for public safety.

The article examines the formation of Azerbaijan's energy policy and the multivector development of its fuel and energy complex. In the context of global transformations and changes in energy flow structures, the author emphasizes the balanced development of both hydrocarbon and carbon-free segments of energy. The proposed concept of sustainable energy development envisages the harmonious coexistence of traditional and renewable energy, enhancing Azerbaijan's economic stability and geopolitical influence. The significant role of the oil and gas sector, demonstrated by successful projects and substantial foreign investments, is reinforced by the active development of renewable energy sources. Azerbaijan implements large-scale projects in wind and solar energy, as well as initiatives for the production of «green» hydrogen, which contributes not only to the reduction of emissions but also to the expansion of the country's export potential. The article highlights the importance of balanced FEC development, focusing on emission minimization through the application of carbon capture and utilization (CCUS) technologies, as well as the need for infrastructure modernization to improve energy efficiency. Azerbaijan demonstrates a unique case where traditional and renewable energy do not compete but complement each other, strengthening its positions in international cooperation and within the framework of the Greater Eurasian Partnership.

The article undertakes an analysis of the prospective domains of Russian military collaboration with Arab countries against the backdrop of geopolitical uncertainties. Despite maintaining its position as the second-largest arms exporter globally, Russia has experienced a proportional decline in its share of the global arms market. Nevertheless, a discernible uptick in the trade volume of conventional weaponry, coupled with cyclical enhancements in the tactical and technical attributes of military assets, reflects positive momentum in this sector. Amid prevailing external constraints and a noticeable scarcity of contemporary Russian weaponry in burgeoning segments of the arms market, Russia necessitates resolute and equitable measures to uphold and fortify collaborative ties with partner nations. Within this context, particular emphasis is placed on Russia's strategic military cooperation with Arab states, given the region's status as a focal point of geopolitical interests for major economies and a primary destination for arms imports.The article scrutinizes Russia's competitive standing in the arms and military equipment markets of the Arab world, acknowledging the region's significance as a pivotal importer of such goods. Employing a multifaceted evaluation encompassing absolute and relative statistical metrics and derived indices, the study assesses the region's role in global arms procurement. Moreover, it offers an appraisal of the existing state and potential avenues for enhancing the efficacy of the Russian-Arab military-technical collaboration framework. The discourse delves into the transformative prospects of this partnership within the framework of networkcentric warfare concepts. Furthermore, the article elucidates the principal risks inherent in military cooperation among nations at present, highlighting concerns regarding the possible manipulation of military-technical cooperation mechanisms to serve as leverage in furthering the geopolitical aspirations of specific stakeholders.In conclusion, the study posits forward-looking trajectories for bolstering bilateral relations, both sectorally and geographically. These include initiatives such as expanding licensing, leasing, offset transactions, and technology transfer initiatives; advocating for fifth-generation fighter aircraft and long-range radar detection and control systems, leveraging Industry 4.0 technologies; and prioritizing the training of foreign specialists.

The European Free Trade Association (EFTA), established over 60 years ago as an alternative platform for fostering cooperation, has evolved into a crucial component of the pan-European project. The organizational framework underpinning its operations, its developmental trajectory with specific focus on divergences, and the models of differentiated integration (DI) have significantly contributed to its evolution.EFTA's distinct organizational structure, coupled with its pragmatic legal framework, serves as the foundation of its operations. A detailed examination allows for a clear distinction between Switzerland and the three member states of the European Economic Area (EEA), namely Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway.Regarding the EEA, its legal framework is established through collaborative development of legal instruments with the EU. The thematic allocation is carefully structured based on existing competencies; officials of EFTA's pillar bodies within the two-pillar EEA structure maintain productive relations with the EU, while others focus on internal matters. The geographical location of these bodies plays a decisive role: Brussels and Luxembourg are aligned with a broad Eurocentric decision-making paradigm, while those within EFTA prioritize endogenous agendas.Switzerland's integration trajectory relies on a diverse array of regulatory mechanisms aimed at bridging disparate areas and fostering cooperation among participating states. A sectoral approach and bilateral agreement packages with the EU are pivotal, with several EFTA bodies operating within Swiss jurisdiction facilitating convergence with the European market. Amidst the current regional turbulence, the convergence of various factors has enabled EFTA to align with the EU's approach to differentiated integration. While earlier scholarly perspectives on the phenomenon were limited in criteria and tools, subsequent empirical developments have provided a more nuanced understanding. The DI models adopted by EFTA member states closely resemble those of the EU, highlighting their alignment. Ultimately, the Association has become an integral part of European integration, with the quartet of participating countries maintaining greater flexibility in decision-making processes.

The Soviet-Albanian conflict epitomized centrifugal tendencies within the global socialist system. This article draws on a diverse array of sources, including previously unpublished materials, such as documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, as well as memoirs of key leaders (N. Khrushchev, E. Hoxha, R. Alia), and various official records. Notably, the TASS bureau in Tirana provided invaluable insights, collaborating with diplomats and journalists from other socialist nations to produce analytical reports, some of which were directed to the upper echelons of the CPSU. The article explores the evolution of discord between Moscow and Tirana, its culmination in open conflict, and the subsequent severance of party and state relations. Key findings include: 1) The conflict's primary catalysts were the divergent socialist models adopted by the USSR and Albania, coupled with the disparity in interests between the superpower and the bloc's smallest member; 2) The PLA's reluctance to conform to Soviet-style reforms was construed in Moscow as a challenge to the CPSU's hegemony within the global communist movement, while the PLA leadership viewed them as encroachments on its authority; 3) Disagreements pervaded all spheres, with ideology assuming heightened significance compared to conflicts with Yugoslavia; 4) External influences on the conflict's trajectory were marginal, with developments driven by internal dynamics, including Tirana's increasing alienation from the CPSU and the catalytic effect of deteriorating Soviet-Chinese relations; Western powers monitored events closely but refrained from direct intervention; 5) While objective factors underpinned the Soviet-Albanian discord, subjective elements were of secondary importance, yet pivotal in precipitating the conflict's acrimonious turn.

By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of "birth of friendship," as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.

Book Review: A.A. Mikaelyan, V.M. Morozov. 2023. The Evolution of Israeli-Chinese and IsraeliIndian Relations. Moscow: MGIMO-University. 213 p.

The article delves into the nuanced challenge of crafting a cohesive unionwide patriotic agenda amidst escalating global tensions fueled, in part, by value conflicts. It scrutinizes the emergence of a patriotic discourse intricately woven into the institutional fabric of the Union State, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Belarus, primarily steered by top political leadership at the domestic level. The overarching aim is to delineate the enduring themes and prevailing narratives within the political elites' patriotic discourse within the Union State, while exploring its potential conceptualization as a coordinating discourse to further integration objectives and as a countermeasure of "anti-soft power" against external value threats emanating from the collective West. Methodologically, the study draws upon discursive neo-institutionalism, employing qualitative content analysis of speeches delivered by the respective presidents of the two countries as its primary analytical approach.In the conclusions, the paper underscores the remarkable alignment between Russian and Belarusian stances on patriotic issues, particularly concerning their ideological underpinnings. Both underscore the imperative of safeguarding and preserving historical memory and traditional values as the cornerstone of their discourse. However, the analysis also sheds light on the conceptual complexities inherent in articulating sovereignty values by both participating countries. The practical implications underscore the necessity of further solidifying a shared socio-cultural space, harmonizing historical policies within both nations and within the Union State framework, and stimulating a "demand for integration" through the practical implementation of the principal directives outlined in the 2021 package of integration decisions.

Book Review: Ponomareva E., Arlyapova E. 2024. The Western Balkans in the run-up to and during the current crisis: players and figures. Moscow: Prospekt Publishing House. 318 p. (in Russian)

This article expands upon the author's previous work regarding the Vostok Oil project, initially discussed in the Gubkin University journal. It focuses on the establishment and development of the Zvezda Shipyard project, arguing its critical role in the potential development of the Vostok Oil and Gas province. The paper posits that without the Zvezda Shipyard, it would not be feasible to exploit the Vostok Oil and Gas province or significantly enhance the transportation and logistics capabilities of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The development of Zvezda's new production facilities is presented as essential for the advancement of the Russian Arctic, facilitating a pivotal eastward shift in the Russian economy. The significance of the Zvezda project and the strategic decisions leading up to it are discussed in detail, demonstrating how they integrate the development of the NSR, the exploitation of Vostok Oil fields, and the establishment of investment and technological foundations for Russia's long-term strategy. This strategy addresses both socio-economic goals and defense and security challenges. Additionally, the paper provides quantitative analyses of the multiplicative effects generated by the Zvezda Shipyard project's realization.

Initiating its operations in 2016, the New Development Bank (NDB) disbursed close to US$ 14.6 billion by the conclusion of 2021. However, Brazil received only US$ 1.86 billion (12.8%) of this sum, marking it as the recipient of the least funding from the Bank thus far. As the NDB approaches its seventh year of operation, it becomes imperative to assess its lending trajectory to Brazil, scrutinizing both the disincentives and the potential for augmenting loans to the country. With this objective in mind, this article endeavors to delve into the obstacles and opportunities for enhancing the NDB’s utilization in Brazil. Our hypothesis suggests that despite the recent surge in operations, there remains room for advancement, particularly in light of the political developments unfolding in Brazil in 2023.Methodologically, the study hinges on analyzing NDB financial data, conducting interviews with pertinent stakeholders in Brazil, and scrutinizing and contrasting the financing institutional frameworks of the NDB and the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). Our findings indicate that: i) access to the BNDES partially offsets the necessity for Brazilian firms to seek loans from the NDB; ii) a rigid institutional framework within the NDB and the Brazilian government impedes project approval and proposition; iii) all loans to Brazil thus far have been denominated in US dollars, diminishing their attractiveness; iv) there has been a lack of encouragement from the Brazilian national government, attributed to the reorientation of Brazilian foreign policy following the 2016 impeachment. Consequently, achieving a more prominent role and usage of the NDB necessitates not only an institutional reassessment of certain approval processes within the Brazilian government but also a more active, assertive, and collaborative stance from the Bank itself.

In the complex world of international negotiations, nation-states often navigate a spectrum of political relationships, from alliances and partnerships to competition and rivalry. Despite their diverse backgrounds and interests, the BRICS countries collectively constitute a significant proportion of global greenhouse gas emissions. Drawing upon the principles of neoliberal institutionalism, this study delves into the origins of the BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impact on climate cooperation among its member states. Our analysis traces the climate policies of BRICS nations since the inception of the UNFCCC in 1992, taking into consideration factors such as their level of economic development, environmental vulnerability, and the broader international political context. We argue that these three factors primarily shape the dynamics of alliance and partnership within BRICS regarding climate governance, although underlying competition may also influence collaborative efforts. This study aims to stimulate further theoretical discourse on the formation of political alliances within the context of global climate governance.

Scholarship on global political economy and global peace and security governance often depicts BRICS members as emerging powers with relatively limited experience in international leadership. These depictions underscore their contested regional leadership and ambiguous institutional, political, ideological, and socio-economic capacities to influence and reshape the global governance system. However, this article challenges some of these characterizations of BRICS members as inaccurate and rooted in Western exceptionalism. Employing a qualitative secondary research approach, it aims to analyze the role of BRICS as a new model for global governance by examining key institutional and political initiatives undertaken by the bloc, as well as by each of its member states.The analysis reveals that institutional initiatives such as the New Development Bank (NDB) demonstrate the BRICS’ capacity to deploy a combination of hard and soft power tools, thereby contributing to the emergence of multipolarity in the global governance architecture. These initiatives have exposed the world's developing regions to new experiences, resources, and understandings of the priorities of emerging powers. Furthermore, political responses to crises, such as turmoil in Zimbabwe, Libya, and Mali, as well as nuclear issues in Iran, where BRICS members have assumed mediatory, supportive, or leading roles, have sparked renewed interest in understanding BRICS as an alternative to traditional conceptions of global peace and security governance. Significantly, BRICS’ soft power diplomacy plays a pivotal role in projecting the bloc as an advocate of alternative global governance architecture and in dispelling negative perceptions. This objective is achieved through the BRICS’ transformative agenda, which offers alternative pathways for attaining international public goods in developing regions with shared historical and ideological affinities.

The editorial explores the evolution of the BRICS community, overviewing the articles included in the special issue. The authors emphasize various facets of ongoing and evolving cooperation, delineating how BRICS nations engage with climate change, development assistance and collaboration, global governance reform, and the progressive advancement of the New Development Bank (NDB).

The article explores the conceptual landscape surrounding national interests. It posits that the identification, safeguarding, and advancement of national interests serve as the bedrock upon which state policies in the domain of national security are formulated. The article traces the origins, evolution, and contemporary interpretations of national interests. Special emphasis is accorded to interpretations espoused by proponents of the political realism. The author conducts an in-depth examination of Russian perspectives on national interests during the 19th and early 20th centuries, as well as throughout the Soviet era, presenting an original periodization of conceptual approaches within Soviet Russia and the USSR. In addition to its historical inquiry, the article critically assesses the implications of national interests of contemporary Russia’s foreign policy. Through analysis of strategic policy documents, the author discerns instances where policy objectives are conflated with the national interests, diverging from their realization.Given Russia's distinctive geopolitical position and security challenges, the author defines the paramount Russia's national interest – establishing a secure periphery characterized by cooperative relationships with neighboring states and ensuring unimpeded access to global maritime routes.

Since the onset of the 2008 financial crisis, the concept of multipolarity has regained prominence, driven by the persistent demands of emerging economies for increased representation and involvement within multilateral institutions. Since 2009, BRICS nations have orchestrated collaborative economic strategies to recalibrate their positions on the global stage. This article seeks to examine the positioning of new entities such as the New Development Bank (NDB) and China-led initiatives within a landscape characterized by the coexistence of traditional structures primarily led by the US and Europe. Against the backdrop of recent global developments, the research endeavors to elucidate the effective role of BRICS in the contemporary international arena, fifteen years since their inception. Specifically, it explores whether current international transformations align with BRICS' aspirations. The investigation employs theoretical frameworks from International Political Economy (IPE), particularly focusing on the dynamics of international multilateral frameworks.

Book review: Bulatov A., ed. 2023. World Economy and International Business: Theories, Trends, and Challenges. Springer Cham. 830 p. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-20328-2

The IBSA Fund, which marks its 20th anniversary in 2024, has extended SouthSouth cooperation to 34 states since its establishment in 2004. This article aims to compare the recipients of bilateral development assistance from IBSA members with IBSA Fund projects’ partners. The objective is to discern the motivations behind the selection of the Fund’s project partners, assess the influence of member states on partner selection, and explore the potential benefits of including Russia and China (both BRICS and New Development Bank participants) as members. The authors analyze the structure, mechanisms, and priorities of IBSA projects, juxtaposing them with New Development Bank projects to highlight key differences and assess shortcomings. The research draws on releases and reports from development agencies, AidData databases, and online databases detailing cooperation projects of all IBSA members and the IBSA Fund. The analysis reveals that the IBSA Fund serves as an additional tool for member states in development cooperation, driven by shared opportunities and responsibilities. Partner selection appears largely motivated by the national interests of IBSA states. While both the IBSA Fund and New Development Bank espouse similar development principles, goals, and narratives, they exhibit differences in terms of development cooperation modalities, emphasis on loans versus grants, project geography, and priorities. As this makes closer cooperation between the two entities unreasonable, Russia and China, whose development assistance priorities largely align with those of the IBSA members, could still be included in the IBSA Fund mechanism, particularly if additional funding is required.

The primary objective of this article is to construct a comprehensive conceptual definition of "post-capitalism." The contemporary global landscape, characterized by postmodernity, is currently undergoing a profound institutional crisis. This crisis impacts both its economic underpinnings, rooted in the dominance of financial capitalism, and its societal foundations, which revolve around a universal model of social development built upon a universalist model of consumption.Discourses surrounding post-capitalism within Russian and Western academic and expert circles exhibit unique characteristics. However, they share common traits. On one hand, these discourses reflect an acknowledgment of the impasses inherent in existing models of globalization. On the other hand, they recognize the transformation of capitalism as a universal socio-economic system that forms the bedrock of international relations. This article underscores the inescapable rise of non-economic factors influencing socio-economic systems' development, including their role in shaping international relations.Post-capitalism is best understood as a collection of principles guiding spatial organization and the establishment of economic and political relationships within these spaces, rather than a specific developmental model. Positioned as an element within the broader return to a spatiality, post-capitalism is predominantly discussed within the context of international processes, serving as a transitional phase in international political and economic relations.

This article endeavors to delineate the conceptual landscape occupied by the notions of prospective multipolarity within the strategic discourse of Soviet diplomacy during the latter phases of the Great Patriotic War. Particular emphasis is placed on the intellectual contributions of two prominent Soviet diplomats, M.M. Litvinov and I.M. Maisky. The author substantiates these insights by drawing upon both published and archival source materials, including the diaries and records maintained by officials within the Soviet Foreign Office, as well as documents emanating from the "Litvinov commission."While the diplomatic theories formulated by Litvinov and Maisky during the years 1943–1945 have been subject to analysis by Russian and international scholars, the majority of extant scholarship has traditionally focused on the content and nuances of their perspectives on specific international "questions." Departing from this convention, this article adopts a methodological approach that seeks to explore the underlying conceptual foundations upon which the ideas of Litvinov and Maisky were constructed. Additionally, the essay introduces a novel dimension by surveying the viewpoints of other Soviet diplomats (S.A. Lozovskii, B.E. Shtein, Ia.Z. Surits, E.V. Tarle), who have garnered relatively less scholarly attention.Of paramount interest is the manner in which Litvinov and Maisky envisaged the post-World War II international landscape, albeit without explicitly employing the term "multipolarity." The article addresses critical questions, such as their perception of the global scenario following WWII, their consideration of the inevitability of Soviet-American bipolarity, and the factors and circumstances that influenced their conceptualizations. The contemporary resurgence of discussions surrounding the trajectory of multipolarity in the twenty-first century underscores the pertinence of this historical inquiry.The article's key conclusion posits that the conceptual framework embraced by Soviet diplomats during 1943–1945 was not centered on notions of bipolarity or an imminent Cold War. While acknowledging the potential escalation of tensions between the USSR and Western nations led by the USA and Great Britain, they favored collaboration among the principal powers of the antiHitlerite coalition, grounded in an implicit understanding of their respective "spheres of influence." Although Soviet Foreign Office officials did not discount the possibility of the formation of a united Anglo-American front against the USSR, they believed that Soviet diplomacy should actively work to prevent such an outcome by capitalizing on the fissures between Washington and London.

Through both intelligence channels and foreign policy efforts, Moscow gathered information in early 1941 about the growing alliance between Berlin and Helsinki, including increased German-Finnish military collaboration, the deployment of German troops and military equipment in Finland, the recruitment of Finnish volunteers for SS units in Germany, the construction of fortifications along the Soviet border, and the massing of Finnish forces near the Soviet frontier. Despite initially maintaining neutrality after Germany's invasion of the USSR, Finland declared war on the Soviet Union on June 26, 1941. The initial phase of the Soviet-Finnish front from July to December 1941 saw military successes favoring Finland. Subsequently, from late December 1941 until summer 1944, a "positional war" ensued with little change to the front line. During this period, Stockholm emerged as a key geopolitical hub where Soviet diplomats, led by A. Kollontai, and intelligence officers navigated the complex task of encouraging Finland to engage in peace talks with the Soviet Union and withdraw from the war. Sweden's neutrality in the conflict and its traditionally strong ties with Finland positioned it as an effective mediator in these negotiations. Additionally, Moscow successfully lobbied Washington to apply diplomatic pressure on Helsinki to initiate negotiations, which gradually began to yield positive results. The multifaceted efforts of Soviet diplomats and intelligence, coupled with A. Kollontai’s active involvement in this diplomatic endeavor, facilitated two rounds of Soviet-Finnish negotiations in Moscow in March and September 1944. While the March talks faltered due to Finnish delegates and political stances, the September negotiations succeeded in persuading Finland to agree to a truce, ceasing hostilities. This diplomatic victory contributed to the gradual disintegration of the anti-USSR coalition led by Germany, with Finland becoming a crucial component to exit this alliance.

In the 1920s, visits by foreign delegations to the USSR served as a crucial yet challenging avenue for showcasing the achievements of the nascent Soviet state. Drawing on previously unexplored materials from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (F. 537, inv. 2), this article examines the strategies employed in hosting these guests. It explores the planning of their itineraries and leisure activities, aiming to understand how Soviet sports leaders, during the early stages of state formation, skillfully concealed various shortcomings (especially economic and infrastructural) and highlighted sports and cultural triumphs to craft a positive global image of the USSR through what was ostensibly a non-political institution.Soviet physical education leaders did not shy away from inviting foreign teams to the country; instead, they actively welcomed all interested parties who could manage the journey. An ideally orchestrated visit seamlessly integrated four key elements: sports (the competitions), culture (theater, cinema, sightseeing), daily life (direct interaction with Soviet workers), and team recreation. When executed well, these visits garnered positive international feedback, thereby enhancing the USSR's global prestige as the inaugural socialist state. This became the primary objective of Soviet sports diplomacy in the late 1920s, marking a significant stride in breaking through international isolation.However, these visits were not without limitations and challenges. The level of indoctrination varied significantly among delegations: while European proletarians often visited sites significant to the October Revolution, guests from the East were predominantly exposed to the country's cultural facets. Despite the Red Sports International's encouragement, delegations rarely ventured beyond major urban centers like Moscow, Leningrad, Kharkov, and Odessa, as provincial visits were not feasible. Furthermore, even in these key cities, visitors encountered organizational challenges such as transportation difficulties, inadequate economic support, and issues with food provision, which diminished the effectiveness of propaganda efforts. These shortcomings were largely attributable to the absence of a standardized protocol for receiving foreign guests during the first decade of Soviet sports diplomacy and the general uneven infrastructural development of the country.

This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: firstly, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 revolution, and secondly, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic amid mounting international tensions, both on a global scale and within the Asia-Pacific region.This study aspires to present a comprehensive and integrated examination of Soviet policy and diplomacy during this era. It delineates four distinct chronological segments, each characterized by its unique features, priorities, and challenges. At the same time, these segments are united by the overarching goal of consolidating the Soviet Union's position in the Far Eastern region and the broader Pacific theater. The four discernible stages in Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East encompass:1. The period spanning from 1927 to 1932, marked by an initial deterioration in relations between the Soviet government and the Kuomintang administration following the 1927 split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China (CPC). This phase also witnessed the 1929 conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and culminated in the reestablishment of Sino-Soviet relations, all set against the backdrop of escalating Japanese aggression in Northeastern China (Manchuria). This phase demanded adroit diplomacy balancing strength and strategic statecraft.2. The 1930s, especially in the aftermath of Japan's aggressive incursions into China, saw limited interaction and collaboration between the USSR and the Republic of China. This period featured cautious Soviet-Japanese relations and included significant events such as armed clashes at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River, as well as the signing of the USSR-Japan Neutrality Pact.3. The era of the Great Patriotic War from 1941 to 1945, during which the Soviet Union's foremost objective was the defeat of the German Nazi aggressor. During this period, Soviet diplomacy was primarily preoccupied with relations with Anglo-American allies, with particular emphasis on the contentious issue of opening a second front. Consequently, Far Eastern and Pacific policy concerns assumed a somewhat marginalized role within the realm of Soviet diplomacy.4. Finally, the period spanning from the winter to the summer of 1945 emerged as a pivotal juncture. During this time, the Soviet Union intensified its political, diplomatic, and military involvement in the Far East, all against the backdrop of preparations for the impending entry into the war against Japan. Diplomatic endeavors reached their zenith during this critical phase.

This study offers a comprehensive exploration and analysis of "huaqiao nongchang," commonly known as overseas Chinese farms, situated within contemporary China's territorial boundaries. These administrative units, established in the 1950s-1980s, served as an intriguing aspect of emigrant administration and were established in three distinct phases. Initially, they functioned as agricultural entities, predominantly inhabited by ethnic Chinese returning en masse from countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and others to the newlyformed People's Republic of China in 1949.The author's primary objective is to fill gaps in our understanding of this phenomenon and to dissect the logic behind the stages of their creation, settlement, and subsequent reforms within China. This article excels in its contextualization within the historical framework, shedding light on the unique characteristics of these settlements. A comprehensive analysis of works by Chinese experts uncovers a significant reason for the PRC authorities' adoption of this approach: it provided a swift solution to hunger-related issues and the employment of vast refugee populations.As time progressed, drawbacks in this approach to managing emigrants became apparent. The initial economic struggles of these settlements, coupled with unfavorable socio-cultural environments and a lack of effective organizational strategies for settlers, necessitated ongoing reforms. The transformation of certain "huaqiao nongchang" units from unproductive state farms into profitable agricultural enterprises occurred due to various factors, including decentralization of decision-making, redirection toward local markets, alleviation of social tensions, workforce training, and their integration into the broader Chinese economy.This article supplements its analysis with excerpts from settlers' memoirs, offering firsthand insights into the lives and experiences of overseas Chinese emigrants returning to their homeland. Additionally, it provides a concise examination of the terminology associated with this subject matter.

The history of Soviet-Hungarian interactions from the establishment of diplomatic relations until Hungary joined World War II alongside the Axis powers offers valuable insights into the dynamics between small and great powers, as well as the efforts of small European states, particularly Hungary, to navigate their national interests in foreign policy amidst Nazi Germany's encroachments. This period was defined by two primary factors: the Hungarian political elite, led by Miklós Horthy, sought to join a quasi-"crusade" against Comintern Soviet Russia, while simultaneously striving to avoid deep involvement in major conflicts between the great powers. This dual approach aligned with the policies of Hitler's Western appeasers, who aimed to redirect German expansion eastward. In this geopolitical scenario, American and Western European actors (including Great Britain and France) were relegated to the role of observers, anticipating a prolonged conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union that would drain both. Hungary, as strategized by Budapest, hoped to secure a position among these observers, avoiding direct conflict participation, and to later engage in territorial reconfiguration post-World War II. However, the reality in Europe by the early 1940s diverged significantly, with Western powers (the USA and Great Britain) unable to redirect Hitler's global domination ambitions eastward. Facing an existential threat, these powers were compelled to enter the war. Against this backdrop, Soviet diplomacy endeavored to deter Hungary's alliance with Nazi Germany. Although ultimately unsuccessful, examining these diplomatic efforts offers valuable lessons in the context of the current evolution towards a multipolar world.

The phenomenon of global migration exerts a substantial impact on nations, organizations, and individuals, yet the focus of scholarly discourse on the potential of migrants has historically not paralleled the magnitude of this phenomenon. This study brings into focus the often-neglected dual nature of immigrant potential, impacting both countries that receive migrants (recipient countries) and those from which migrants originate (donor countries). Prior research within the Russian context predominantly examined the potential of compatriots in post-independence neighboring countries or the potential related to internal migration and the redistribution of human and labor resources regionally. Prevailing perspectives have largely been confined to examining the migration potential of specific socio-demographic groups within defined territories, often characterized by distinct ethnic features. This research illuminates the dual aspect of external migrant potential. It elucidates how migrants contribute significantly to the development of host countries, while donor countries also reap considerable benefits from the migratory capabilities and engagements of their citizens in foreign employment.The objective of this article is to augment theoretical paradigms in the study of "migration potential," conceptualizing it as an integrative system that combines quantitative and qualitative attributes of a highly mobile and motivated populace. The paper seeks to delineate the conceptual framework of migration potential, establish its structural composition, and elucidate the mechanisms and factors through which migrant potential influences the economic and demographic progress of both recipient and donor nations.Findings: The study delineates the constituent components of the functional sub-potentials (subcomponents) within the broader construct of "migration potential," synthesizing these through a meticulous examination of extant Russian and international academic literature. Migration potential is approached as a variable that is both fluid and subject to modification. The research critically analyzes the multifaceted impacts – both advantageous and adverse – of migration on diverse sectors of life in donor and recipient countries. A case in point is the correlation between the educational potential and the intellectual prowess of highly skilled migrants, which significantly contributes to innovation within the host regions. Conversely, a deficiency in the integration potential of external migrants may precipitate xenophobic tendencies among native populations. From the perspective of donor countries, the influx of remittances stands out as a pivotal and transformative element within the broader context of global migration.

This article delves into the dynamics of ethno-confessional factors influencing Russian-Turkish relations, exploring the Russian and Turkic worlds as geopolitical constructs within the Eurasian sphere. Employing a synthesis of critical and classical geopolitics methodologies, the study emphasizes the civilizational aspect as a pivotal element in the intricate interplay of competition and cooperation between Russia and Turkey in the Eurasian context. The research methodology integrates a civilizational perspective with critical geopolitics. The authors examine various strategies utilized by Turkey and Russia to implement ethnoconfessional policies in their quest for geopolitical influence. These strategies encompass the creation of narratives around 'fraternal nations', the promotion of shared historical, cultural, religious, linguistic, and heroic narratives; the cultivation of pro-Russian and pro-Turkish national elites; and the exploitation of ethno-national factors during domestic political crises. This analysis traces these phenomena from historical imperial contexts to contemporary interstate relations.Furthermore, the article underscores the significant impact of individual leadership in shaping the concept of the Turkic world, with a particular focus on the current President of the Turkish Republic, R.T. Erdogan. Erdogan is portrayed as a key figure actively advocating for and reinforcing the unity and identity of the Turkic world.

Based on an analysis of documentary sources from Russian, American, and British archives, this article delves into the intricacies of coalition diplomacy among the Allies during World War II. It places special emphasis on the adherence to obligations and coalition behavior norms, encompassing respect for partners' interests, maintaining unity amidst divergences, coordinating actions towards shared objectives, and avoiding actions that risk coalition breakdown. The comparative analysis of Soviet and Anglo-American diplomacy reveals that the principal members of the anti-Hitler coalition generally adhered to these norms, contributing to the ultimate defeat of their common adversary. However, the study indicates that the Soviet Union exhibited greater fidelity in fulfilling its obligations and was more proactive in institutionalizing the coalition for enhanced stability and equal participation in strategic decision-making for war conduct and postwar arrangements. This quest for parity was often impeded by the Western powers' reluctance to accept the Soviet Union as an enduring, equal partner and legitimate member of the great powers' club, both during and after the war. This hesitance, the article argues, was rooted not just in geopolitical considerations but also in deep-seated cultural factors, particularly the traditional Western sense of superiority and perception of Russia as a 'lesser' civilization not fit for inclusion in the Euro-Atlantic community. The article brings to light lesser-known documents from US and UK archives to illustrate this mindset. It also acknowledges dissenting voices in Anglo-American political spheres who advocated for a more equitable relationship with the USSR. However, these perspectives did not significantly alter the overarching direction of Western policy.

This editorial introduces a series of papers based on presentations made at the "Soviet Diplomacy during World War II" conference held at MGIMO on June 30, 2023. It draws attention to notable aspects of Soviet diplomacy during the wartime period. Firstly, it highlights the persistent effort and skill in negotiating despite significant divergences in interests and approaches. Secondly, it discusses the adeptness in striking a careful balance between steadfastly maintaining one's stance and employing flexibility and pragmatism to achieve the ultimate objective of victory over the enemy. Thirdly, the article examines the history of international negotiations during World War II as an illustration of the clash and collaboration among prominent political figures, notably emphasizing how I.V. Stalin often outplayed his counterparts in this personalized “diplomacy of leaders.”The history of World War II compellingly illustrates the necessity of diplomacy, not only during the conflict but also in the transition to peace and negotiations thereafter, as well as in the establishment of a new global order.

The article delves into the historical context of cross-border radio broadcasting during the 1930s by the League of Nations (LN) and the significant impact of Switzerland's neutrality as the host country on this international organization. Drawing from the recently digitized and accessible LN archive in Geneva, this narrative unveils a minor conflict of interest that evolved into a notable political crisis, marking an international legal precedent by showcasing the influence wielded by a smaller host nation upon a global organization. The architects of the League of Nations envisioned Geneva as an ideal hub for the organization's activities, complete with modern communication technologies for global outreach. However, Switzerland's neutral stance posed an obstacle to the establishment of the League's radio broadcasting infrastructure. Recognizing the absence of robust emergency communications, transport links, and the absence of a dedicated radio station in Geneva during the mid-1920s, the LN sought an agreement with the Radio-Swiss station. Consequently, the LN's own radio station, Radio-Nations, commenced broadcasting on February 2, 1932, coinciding with the start of the Conference on the Reduction and Limitation of Arms. By May 1938, amidst mounting tensions in Europe, Switzerland chose to assert complete neutrality within the League. Discussions within the Federal Council revolved around the possibility of suspending the agreement made on May 21, 1930, along with the support for Radio-Nations. Unexpectedly, on November 3, 1938, the LN leadership in Geneva expressed a desire to re-evaluate the 1930 convention. The outbreak of World War II drastically reshaped the relationship between the LN and Radio-Nations. Switzerland decided against entering into a new agreement with the LN, leading to the closure of Radio-Nations on February 2, 1942. Maintaining the nation's neutrality, the Swiss government vigilantly observed the unfolding events during the war. During the peak of Nazi Germany's advances, Bern adopted stringent measures against the LN, upholding a resolute diplomatic stance. However, the Swiss stance toward the LN and the division of Radio-Nations’ ownership gradually shifted from 1943, culminating in the resolution of several financial matters. Ultimately, in 1947, the LN's liquidation commission transferred the remaining assets of Radio-Nations and its radio waves to the United Nations.

Book review: Essa A. 2023. Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between Israel and India. London. Pluto Press.

The last decade has seen an increasing focus on the involvement of the private sector in international sustainable development, particularly in high-risk jurisdictions. This involvement encompasses a broad spectrum, incorporating innovative private sector instruments—now acknowledged as ODA-eligible by the OECD—as well as traditional tools of external official support to developing countries, which remain the primary contributors to ODA flows. This literature review aims to consolidate the academic exploration of the enduring classic foreign aid tools' impact on the political risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI), and identifies prevalent limitations while suggesting approaches to overcome these challenges.The first section delineates the central theme and rationale behind the literature selection process, utilizing the Google Scholar database to contextualize the research within a comprehensive framework. The subsequent section categorizes and compares the most relevant studies based on formal criteria and methodological parameters. Sections three and four critically assess the scholarly contributions in conceptualizing the mitigating influence of foreign aid in general, focusing on its impact on specific political risks such as expropriation, terrorism, and corruption. The concluding section delves into studies that explore foreign aid and foreign direct investment flows from China, the largest non-Western donor.A bibliometric analysis reveals a noteworthy disparity between research attention and policymaking focus on the subject matter. Notably, the selected papers fail to comprehensively cover the full spectrum of primary extra-legal and legal-governmental political risks for transnational businesses. Scholars' assessments of foreign aid's mitigating effect often lack differentiation between grants and loans or between flows directed to different sectors, as well as the distinction between aid routed through public institutions and bypassing them. Notably absent is a comprehensive analysis encompassing the complete range of 'established' Western and emerging non-Western aid providers, or an exploration of aid flows from non-OECD countries other than China. Most research focuses on Africa and fails to differentiate between recipients based on fragility, income levels, or other relevant categorizations. Moreover, the researchers have yet to delve into data post the COVID-19 outbreak, a critical period that significantly altered perceptions of political risk, foreign aid, and FDI flows. The literature review illuminates a research gap awaiting substantial exploration.

At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.

The paper examines water security in the Caspian region and the management of transboundary rivers for sustainable development. It analyzes the potential impacts of building dams on upper river courses on the region's water resources, particularly addressing concerns about environmental implications due to pollution from sources like sewage and agricultural fertilizers.It further investigates planned dam projects and their potential climate and ecological effects on the Caspian Sea and surrounding regions. The paper discusses the idea of desalination as a means to tackle water shortages but underscores its limitations in the closed hydrological system of the Caspian Sea.The primary focus lies in establishing effective management strategies for shared water resources. It introduces a novel perspective by considering these rivers and the Caspian Sea as an integrated water system, emphasizing the far-reaching consequences that excessive dam construction could pose to the overall hydrological balance. Collaboration and international agreements are crucial to navigate this challenge.The paper's significance lies in its innovative approach to water management, addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and the environment in the region.

The article examines the phenomenon of "Islamic socialism" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes.The study meticulously traces the origins of "Islamic socialism," exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of "Islamic socialism." Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the "Islamic socialism" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of "Islamic socialism" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection.Conclusively, the article posits that the "Islamic socialism" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy.This study highlights the interplay between "Islamic socialism," the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.

Recent years have seen a substantial increase in remittances from diaspora communities to their home countries, prompting developing economies to establish and enhance institutional mechanisms. These mechanisms aim to channel and leverage the emotional connections of emigrants to their native lands for economic purposes. This article concentrates on the influence of migrant remittances on the formulation of diaspora policies in Africa. It closely examines two clusters encompassing a total of 8 states recognized as leaders in terms of migrant remittances’ share in GDP and their absolute value, respectively. The article evaluates three primary categories of tools and practices that structure diaspora cooperation: formal institutional means, economic tools, and socio-cultural practices. The research applies a neo-institutional approach, conceiving diaspora policy as a network of interconnected practices across various spheres. By comparing cases within and between these clusters, it demonstrates diverse approaches to developing diaspora cooperation mechanisms. Additionally, the authors outline the most promising pathways for advancing diaspora policies while identifying existing barriers.They advocate for the establishment of distinct platforms for diaspora representation, deepening cooperation between origin and host states, and extending certain diaspora policy mechanisms to subnational and supranational levels. However, the development of diaspora politics in the examined cases is impeded by insufficient resources, weak state institutions, and state reluctance to cede control over their population's interaction with external actors. Despite the prevalent notion that the evolution of diaspora cooperation mechanisms correlates with the volume of migrant remittances, empirical analysis within the African context exposes the explanatory limitations of such a model.