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The construction of feminist democratic societal projects relies on the production of feminist knowledge and ideas within social movements, as well as academic, professional, and institutional settings. In the context of a rising opposition against democracy and gender, race, and sexuality equality at a global level, the European Union has launched the call Feminisms for a New Age of Democracy with the purpose of supporting knowledge production about opposition to gender equality in Europe and feminist democratic responses. The CCINDLE (Co-creating Inclusive Intersectional Democratic Spaces across Europe) project is one of the funded research projects under this call. CCINDLE's objectives include analyzing not only anti-gender politics and the problems that they create for democracy in Europe but especially feminist movements' and institutional responses to anti-gender and anti-democratic forces. The project aims to co-create feminist knowledge with the actors that are already working to counter the antidemocratic project that anti-gender movements and far right parties are trying to construct, and to envision feminist futures building on theories and practices of intersectional justice, inclusion, and participation in European democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the forthcoming South Feminist Manifesto spearheaded by South Feminist Futures, a transnational network of feminists from the Global South. Through extensive cross-regional consultations, the manifesto initiative promises to build solidarity and advance decolonial, anti-capitalist feminism across the Global South. It aims to center plural Southern voices and contexts, integrating diverse critical frameworks from Third World feminism to queer theory. By foregrounding lived realities of Southern women and trans and nonbinary people, the manifesto promises to generate fresh insights and creative South-South solidarities. Drawing inspiration from the pioneering Women's Manifesto for Ghana, it strives to catalyze feminist consciousness raising, movement revival, and more caring, just futures across borders. The article analyzes the manifesto's transformative promises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism of the book "The Purpose of Power: How We Come Together When We Fall Apart" by Alicia Garza is presented. It is noted that Black feminist activist-scholar bell hooks asserts that radical futures will only be possible when Black women live in a world where they experience love. Garza challenges the notion that movements must start on social media.

Urban poor women in Metro Manila, Philippines, have developed social movement strategies toward domestic abuse. I consider how these synergize with and diverge from U.S. women of color feminist calls for "community accountability." "Survivor-organizers" in the women's federation GABRIELA influence place-based social networks to shift power relations, while organizing whole communities into a broader Left movement. I argue that their community organizing principles and survivor-centered ethics have served as vehicles to transcend carceral remedies. Entangling reformist, prefigurative, and revolutionary politics, they contradictorily invoke (and reify) carceral feminist logics and legal reforms--yet have fostered transformations that surpass possibilities offered by what I call "neoliberal imperial feminist" frameworks for punitive state action. I propose a protest politics grounded in how GABRIELA's and U.S. feminist of color political traditions speak to and expand upon one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the essay "A Young Girl's Primer, or How to Attain the Leisure Class," by feminist writer Valerie Solanas and discusses the creative possibilities of a survival self. Topics covered include how survival can paradoxically require contradictions and tensions, survival self as a viable strategy for feminist artists, writers, and thinkers, and how Solanas distances herself from emotional and physical degradation.

The article presents an examination into the U.S. welfare rights movement of 1960s and the influence of women and mothers within it. Details are given examining the social conditions and political activism of lower and middle class women in Detroit, Michigan during the period. The rhetorical use of race, class and gender discrimination is particularly discussed, highlighting ways in which motherhood and maternalism became a centralizing issue and speaking-point for the political advocacy of the movement.

The article discusses the online journaling of the infertility bloggers on the House Bill 1677 in the U.S. The bill which demanded women to report miscarriages or fetal deaths to the police within twelve hours has been opposed by the infertility bloggers engaged in coincidental feminist activism. However, infertility blogs are viewed as narcissistic, self-indulgent and confessional, as well as rhetorical and political enclaves. The legislation also raised privacy and reproductive rights and the only intervention of the public into deliberative political discourse.

The article offers information on the feminism conflicts that affect various museums in New York City. Statistics show that there are a low number of women artists who are accompanied by photo-friendly scenes wherein they challenge the dorms and nature of political life, the contemporary play of powers and power relations. Most of these activities aimed in the modification of women's status, change in the distribution of power, thus leaving intact the power structure itself. Some of the eminent and emerging scholars and artists present include Marina Abramovic, Ute Meta Bauer, Beatriz Colomina, Coco Fusco, and David Joselit.

The article explores the protest of the Women in Black movement to stop the war between Israel and Palestine. According to the author, the connection between feminism and the feminists' political attitude concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict originates from the development of the political feminist in Israel. It states that Machsom Watch was organized to continue the leftist movement and humanitarian activity which became the source of attraction in the second intifada. It is also noted that women prefer to act in an organization that integrates the voice of motherhood and human conscience eliciting positive response from social networks.

An interview with activist Sandra Moran is presented. When asked about the role of Peace Process organization in Guatemala, she asserts that the group is composed of women struggling to visualize their political and social movements. She expresses that the Peace Process discusses in making decisions for the community and family. Moran adds that the organization fights for solidarity, justice and impunity.

The article discusses how feminist scholarship and activism could be related to the teaching as a significant part of the collective experience that form a reflection of the awareness for global, racialized, class, and sexual differences. In this connection, the Feminist Studies Group organizers plan to host a conference entitled "Women, Gender, Pedagogy: A Conference on Feminist Pedagogy." The conference aimed to share pedagogical methods and ideas for participants to discuss the various issues for those teaching women's studies, gender studies, or sexuality in the academy as well as to strengthen the sense of community among students and scholars by developing more lasting means of working together and sharing the experiences.

The article discusses several essays about feminism in the U.S. The author also cites and discusses some excerpts from the essays of "Radical Feminism," her involvement both on text and the theory described within the "Radical Feminism," edited by Shulamith Firestone and Anne Koedt. The author added that the relationship between emotions to understand the relationships and generations of feminists. Another on "The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm," by Koedt, it is about the feminist theories of sexuality. It also includes Helen Longino, one contributor of "Competition: A Feminist Taboo?" it is a feminist anthology of overcoming the imposed competitiveness among women.

The article discusses the author's experience and observation on how women and feminism is viewed in Sri Lanka. She had observed how Sinhalese journalism idealized women in the country which have often been referred by journalists as a pretty girl. Looking back to the country's history, she had found that women's positioning in the society and feminism had been influenced by Western culture, Buddhism, and by Sinhala Buddhist nationalist movement that had envisioned the specific role of women in the society. She added that Sri Lankan culture have been open to changes when it comes to women's rights and in fact the country is considered as among the least oppressive countries in the third world with regards to women's rights.

The article discusses issues related to feminism in Mexico. The author cites the V-Day March, a protest against violent attacks on women, organized by Amnesty International, the V-Day Foundation, and local non-government organizations in Chihuahua and Ciudad Ju&#x00CI;rez. The author explains that the goal of social movement is to stop violence and impunity. She also mentioned that several activist during the V-Day March are disappointed over the poor media coverage, and over lack of response from the governor's office.

The article comments on the essay about international feminism in relation to capitalist globalization written by Hester Eisenstein. According to the author, the argument about the contemporary women's movement had aligned to the struggle for choices in the economic world that pertains to housework, child care, labor or to the politics of transnational academic publishing. She compared the book on feminism written by Australian activist Ann Curthoy with that of Eisenstein such that each had different views on politics. In her observation, she regarded that Eisenstein's essay was all about an awakening story while that of Curthoy was a movement story such that feminist politics is a critical venture that drives changes in theory and action.

The article comments on the essay about international feminism in relation to capitalism written by Hester Eisenstein. According to the author, the success of feminist politics does not convey that gender struggles or the transformation of race and class are easy to achieve. Rather, it speaks of the victories and strategies of feminism that came forth from other domain of new post-capitalist economic politics. In addition, she emphasizes that feminism emerged in parallel with capitalist globalization.

The article comments on the essay about international feminism in relation to capitalist globalization written by Hester Eisenstein. According to the author, Eisenstein calls for the reinvigoration of the commitment to the socialist-feminist course. Based from Eisenstein's introduction, she believes that feminism has permitted the shift from industrial to post-industrial labor practices which affected wages, weakened labor unions and public support for welfare, and promoted class inequality. She agreed on the negative impact brought about by contemporary global feminism and neoliberalism as cited by Einsenstein.

The article discusses feminist coaching methodology. Popular sport ideology recognizes and celebrates the ability of sports to assist participants in honing and developing leadership skills that transcend the athletic playing arena. This is seen as an asset, especially for women and girls, and it underlies the creation of more opportunities for these groups to participate in sports. However, little research has been done to interrogate what styles of leadership current coaches of women's teams impart, how they understand and explain their coaching methods, and more importantly what type of leaders and future coaches these styles might help to create. This essay serves to fill this void by documenting the author's experiences as a self-identified feminist basketball coach. In the introduction, the author situates the essay and his place in it by discussing his basketball background and experiences. In the section entitled "Exploring Feminist Coaching Possibilities" he borrows from feminist pedagogies to speculate on the potential for a feminist coaching methodology. In the discussion, he reviews his past two seasons as a feminist basketball coach and identifies major obstacles he faced while attempting to coach like a feminist.

Focuses on the upward mobility of feminism in Rochester, New York, New York. History of feminist social movement; Development of organizations aimed at fighting for women's rights; Impact of feminist activism on the lives of women.

The article presents the author's views on feminist act. She expresses that gender has nothing to do with feminism, instead arises from the institutions and power relations within the framework of a structure. The author is a feminist because she cares about gender as well as respond to objectivity, disrespect and disregard in the best way she knows. She affirms that she will continue to challenge and reform the structure as long as the imbalances of power and hierarchy persist. The author wants to redefine her value within through her effective writings.

The article presents response to several commentaries on the essay of Hester Eisenstein on international feminism in relation to capitalist globalization. The author regarded the team of J. K. Gibson-Graham on the account that the essay seemed to devaluate the achievements of feminism such as international dialogue done in a courteous manner. Valentine Moghadam's perception appeared likely as the intention of the essay such that the terms women's humans rights and women's empowerment are regarded to be of different meanings by transnational feminist campaigning against sexual violence, poverty, and militarism. In another response addressed to Meaghan Morris, the author cited that none of the accusations provoked by Morris had been true to what is being emphasized on the essay.

The article comments on the essay about international feminism in relation to capitalist globalization written by Hester Eisenstein. According to the author, the essay called forth for a more anti-capitalist feminist behavior and somehow raised issue to the complicities of liberal feminism that made woman of race to be skeptical. As an example, American feminism had badly limit in accordance of its own class and race that obviously distinguished apart from others. In addition, liberal feminism upon social practice is linked to the capitalist development such that women of this group considered existence of feminism only when there is political economy of feminism as lived upon.

The article comments on the essay about international feminism in relation to capitalist globalization written by Hester Eisenstein. The author cited that the neoliberal free market model of capitalism in the late twentieth century led to the decrease of the state development and welfare, following the reduction of household incomes, high unemployment rate, and volatile labor unions. However, on the positive side, capitalism has offered women free markets, enabled them to vote during elections, and prosperity which called for gender equality and women empowerment.