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Basaa, a Narrow Bantu language, A 43, spoken in Cameroon in Central Africa holds a serious record of descriptive works in phonology, morphology, and syntax. Verb morphology has been studied in detail by Bitja’a Kody (2000), Dimmendaal (1988), Hyman (2003) among others. The present paper focusing on verb derivation raises two main issues: the paradigm of expansions that are recurrent in the language on the one hand, and extensions for which suggest the existence of additional suffixes to what is already reported on the other hand. Further extensions are the perfective, the associative, and the tentative. This paper ends up with an attempt to reconstruct Basaa extensions, mirroring the Proto-Bantu propositions from Schadeberg (2003).

This article discusses one of the meanings expressed by the associative copulative construction with - na le, ‘have’ in Northern Sotho, namely to ‘physically experience discomfort’, ‘suffer from’ or ‘be ill with’ something. In light of alternative available verbs that are employed to express the same concept in specific ways, this article aims to investigate the occurrence of such alternative verbs, their semantic relationship with - na le ‘have’ and with each other. A lexical semantics investigation involving verb classes, selectional restrictions and paradigmatic sense relations reveals that - na le ‘have’ functions as a superordinate in a troponymy relationship with these verbs. It also shows that these verbs are not on the same level in the hierarchical scheme, placing - bolaya ‘kill’ , -tshwenya ‘trouble’ and -swara ‘catch’/ ‘hold’ just below - na le ‘have’ as they select both body-part and affliction arguments. The rest of the verbs are positioned on a lower level, selecting either body-part or affliction.