Search

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the reality of Mauritanian women's participation in the labor market, aiming to highlight the challenges that hinder their entry into this market. It also studies the economic and social indicators contributing to women's participation in the labor market, including demographic changes, workforce developments, women's participation rates in economic activities, unemployment trends, and educational advancements among women. The paper concludes that Mauritanian women's participation in the economic field remains below expectations, alongside their limited involvement in managerial positions. It also notes that women predominantly work in the agricultural sector compared to their low representation in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to research Israeli Haredi parties through engaging in theoretical discourse and critique of prevalent assumptions regarding their nature and relationship with Zionism. It addresses a fundamental question concerning the shift towards extremism within these parties, employing an interdisciplinary approach and analyzing their electoral discourse. The paper argues about the centrality of Haredi parties and their impact on Israeli decision-making, asserting that recent extremist stances within these parties do not represent a transformation but rather a reproduction of discourse which reveals the essence of Israeli Zionist colonization. This is closer to giving religiosity to Zionism more than endorsing Haredi parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer a pivotal question: Can the Al-Aqsa Flood change the regional and international equations of conflict? The paper attempts to foresee paths towards peace post-Al-Aqsa phase, viewing the projection of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as closely linked to past events and negotiations. The paper deconstructs its contents and statements to reveal their failure and collapse. It argues that the Al-Aqsa Flood brought the Palestinian issue back to the forefront of global attention after it was forgotten. It was an attempt to confront the Zionist project, and a direct response to Israeli policies, and a rejection of the shifting geography of normalization and its extensions in defense of Palestinian rights to land, Jerusalem, and the return of refugees. These are issues delayed by the Oslo Accords and denied by the Deal of the Century, undermining the Palestinian cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective understanding of today's events in occupied Palestine requires grasping the roots of the problem with its civilizational, religious, and cultural dimensions. This paper addresses the multifaceted dimensions of the Palestinian cause and the Arab-Israeli conflict, analyzing its historical roots, geopolitical challenges, and persistent obstacles that have hindered reaching a just and sustainable comprehensive solution. It highlights continuous violations of Palestinian rights, Israeli settlement expansion at the expense of Palestinians, with particular focus on the recent war in Gaza. The paper emphasizes the urgent need to address outstanding issues and concludes by contemplating the future of the Palestinian cause in light of the possibilities raised by the Al-Aqsa Flood, Israeli responses, shifts in regional dynamics, and the importance of restoring Palestinian unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the global protests that condemn the war on Gaza following the Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023. These protests were unprecedented in their broad scope and innovative forms. The paper argues that this protest movement is fundamentally memorydriven, as it represents an extension of the 2019-2020 demonstrations against racism and colonialism, utilizing and reusing mnemonic media and symbols. In contrast, this global surge of memory is facing official suppression of protest dynamics, employing mnemonic strategies used by authorities within memory policies. This is prominently illustrated through the German model, characterized by practices of silence, forgetting, and accompanying repressive measures falling under a culture of cancellation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the continuity and change in US-Israeli relations through examining US foreign policy towards Israel's war on Gaza. The paper argues that changes in US policy towards Israel are limited to means alone, and that American support for Israel is based on two pillars: first, the principle of endorsement and protection; and second, that of rooting and sustainability. Therefore, President Joe Biden's policy and his administration cannot be separated from those two pillars, and Biden's doctrine does not diverge from them either. The paper concludes that the determinants of US policy towards the war on Gaza are shaped by conflicting factors of American interests, regional determinants, internal pressures, and Israeli interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arab Future is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the sociology of development and the sociology of culture, this paper seeks to discuss the complex relationship between the quality of the dominant development model on the one hand, and the state of accumulation at the cultural capital scale, with its structures, processes and values on the other. How has the adoption of the global capitalist model over the past decades led to negative consequences at multiple and different levels, especially socio-cultural associated with the deterioration of the social conditions of the middle classes, which are the habitat of cultural capital with its three main components: the Embodied, the institutionalized as well as the Objectified, and the consequent socio-cultural problems of a structural type. The paper proposes an alternative development vision that devotes positive and effective cultural value systems that allow an equal socio-cultural accumulation on a more equitable basis, through which more vibrant, inclusive and sustainable development horizons are opened, taking into consideration the great importance of the cultural system, with all its components, in comprehensive development strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

confiscation and expansion of settlements left no lands for another “state” solution. Hence resistance was a necessity. The paper adopts a comparative approach based on the assessment of wills between the resistance and those who support it versus the American ruler and the Zionist agent and the Western colonialism and their “Arab” cohorts. The paper also monitors and analyzes perceptions of the Al-Aqsa Flood process in terms of intellectual potential and events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper discusses the reality of electoral governance in Algeria, after the issuance of law No. 21-01 regulating elections, which was issued on March 10, 2021, and the subsequent legislative and local elections in the same year. The paper questions the extent to which governance indicators are applied in the electoral affairs in Algeria through the aforementioned past election entitlements, and the extent to which they are free from aspects of corruption or fraud. The integrity and credibility of elections is considered essential in the democratic process of any country, given that it produces future elites capable of managing people's concerns and hopes, and formulate development strategies that are in the interest of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Future is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the foundations of colonial knowledge in the Maghreb countries during the colonial era, and the complications carried by its epistemological legacy in the present Maghreb and Arab- Islamic societies in general. The paper examines the French and Italian colonial cognitive experience in Libya and Tunisia, and its present influence on political thinking and defining events of which these countries are experiencing today. To test this proposition, the paper focuses critical observation on the “anthropological eyes” with which the French viewed the Fezzan in Libya between 1943 and 1947, and the complications of concepts such as tribe and farmer society with their colonial and ethnocentric cognitive content. The paper concludes with sculpting the methodological features that define the conditions for a critical cognitive position that should be taken regarding this legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the extent to which the “wishes produced” by the constitution are consistent with the practices of democratic transformation in Morocco after more than ten years of its entry into force. The study is based on the hypothesis that this supreme law bears the seeds of developing political life and qualifying actors even before its implementation, but only practice helps activate its perspective for managing power and ensuring rights and freedoms. Although the link between the constitution and its context does not appeal to some constitutional jurists, the paper argues that attributing the 2011 constitutional reform to a specific party rather than another involves a narrow perception, and attention must be paid to the inconsistency of its arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Future is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyzes the Sudanese political economy from independence till after December 2018 revolution. The paper commences by examining the prominent aspects of Sudan's economic crisis, positing that its political and economic roots lie in Sudanese political economy since independence, characterized by three main elements: urban bias, accountant capitalism, and military dominance. The study analyzes unprecedented developments in Sudanese political economy after December 2018 revolution, which involve institutional bondage among these three elements. It concludes that these developments manifest in the institutional bondage between the Sudanese military and accountant capitalism, and in the formation of institutional bondage between rural elites, militias, and patterns of accountant capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine the phenomenon of protest and the dynamic of societal act in the environment and contexts of the Arab region, most of which are produced under the conditions of protest, and the growing sense of indignation and dissatisfaction, and in the context of authoritarian and violent political and cultural structures and low civic values. The research aims to dismantle the growing phenomenon of protest movements in the Arab world (2010-2020), from where the structure of their formation and their mobility frameworks, and to increase the role of new social forces as agencies and mediators in the conflict between society and power, seeking to express themselves and raise their demands through protest and demonstration, beyond the limitations of traditional media such as political parties and trade unions. The paper theoretically approaches the topic from the perspective of social movements frameworks and developments in public space entrances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its independence in 1956, Sudan faced major internal and external challenges that affect the national construction process. These challenges have cast its shadow not only over Sudan's past and present, but its future as well. The ongoing war in Sudan today is but a pivotal part of these challenges. This paper discusses the war in Sudan in terms of its nature and objectives, without tracing its operational paths and the militaristic conflict, as this may increase the distortion of the war, its objectives, and the stakeholders behind it. This paper focuses on understanding the nature of this war and its background, and Western hegemony over Sudan whether political and constitutional tools, or military tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Germany seeks to gain the approval of Israelis as much as possible, even if it means doing so on the ruins of a genocide being committed against the Palestinian people, exposing Germany’s contradiction as it tries to atone for its Nazi past by supporting “Semites”. This paper provides a narrative of the historical relationship between Germany and Israel, as Germany contributed to the establishment of the state of Israel and enabled it to possess the necessary power to maintain its existence. Germany has consistently sought to appease Israel, going so far as to link Germany’s existence to Israel’s security, without neglecting the influence of the United States in shaping this relationship between them as it stands today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the developments witnessed by the concept of security in strategic studies, based on the insights of the Egyptian thinker Bahgat Korany, who formulated the concepts of high and low politics. The former is linked to traditional military and security domains, while the latter is associated with social, economic, and cultural spheres, which current historical contexts have highlighted the importance of, particularly for countries described as lagging behind. The study adopts the cultural security model through analyzing the contemporary Arab world's reality, demonstrating that cultural security plays a fundamental role in securing various other sectors, especially in preserving identity and cultural distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of Russian-Atlantic war in Ukraine on the vision of countries and their awareness of their position within the geopolitical map of the world, through studying what repercussions the war has on Algeria, which enjoys good relations with Russia. Given the scales of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, the Algerian vision focuses on building new/renewing regional alliances in its Mediterranean space, especially since it rich with energy resources (gas and oil). This is clearly evident after strengthening its relations with Italy and Turkey, whether as of economic partnership and strategic cooperation. Thus, this paper is concerned with the Algerian vision of the conflict in Ukraine, and provides a reading of the new alliances in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arab Journal of Political Science is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to uncover the opportunities available for the success of the "modern tradition" model included in Qatar's Vision 2030, and whether legislative and educational leaderships in Qatar grasp this concept. The study reveals a legislative trend in Qatar to combine Qatari traditions, jurisprudential schools, and modernization. Similarly, there is a parallel trend in the educational sector to align Qatari traditions with Islamic values and modern behavioral patterns. The paper also indicates that the trend towards "modern tradition" is not limited to Qatar. It suggests that the primary concern should not only be the continuity of social cohesion but also the establishment of a middle class that believes in the "modern tradition" model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a historical sociological approach that closely links analysis to common trends in development or the application of sociology to problems by describing history as a field of inquiry and reflection, focusing on what calls for comparison. Addressing such a topic requires a paleontological analysis to determine the geostrategic background of the alliance between imperialism and Zionism: “To think well on political and social fields, one must read well into the historical field.” This study adopts a forceful high-pitched tone, that showcases aggression instead of war, especially since war is related to the use of force between two or more countries, according to Karl Clausewitz, while what Gaza is witnessing is an aggression of a military state against a liberation movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the Al-Aqsa flood process, how it renewed the Palestinian cause by achieving shock and fear, revealing that the two-state solution is based on evasion and deception, due to the lack of an honest partner and mediator. Not to mention, the policy of land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Questioning the concepts and clarifying their internal problems is a common matter between theologians and the Arabs before the Islamic Daʿwah. It is the basis of the Almighty’s revelation. It is to work with meanings in a way that reflects the characteristics of thought amongst the Arabs, indicating that Arab-Islamic philosophical discourses regarding boundaries are not simply due to the exposure to Greek philosophy or others. Second, it indicates that the Arabic language was fully mature and ready when called upon to contain the concepts of the new religion in general, and the concept of God at its highest levels of abstraction in particular. This is what the paper addresses by looking at the science of theology as a whole, and at the concept of time transformation according to Al-Kindi, in order to clarify the relationship between before and after the Daʿwah in terms of thought and its mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Independent development and social justice in any country is linked to the nature of the ruling class in it and the economic and social policies that this class usually adopts as an expression of its interests, and the extent to which these policies contribute to the productivity of the economy, providing job opportunities, the optimal use of natural and human resources, and ultimately in the equitable distribution of national wealth. This paper discusses development trends in Arab countries, the economic and monetary policies on which these trends are based, the major imbalances that Arab economies suffer from, and the economic and social effects that have resulted from them, which have created a clear disparity in various development indicators between one social group and another in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the faltering experience of democratic transition in Morocco, by recalling the historical contexts in which constitutional deliberation was raised, especially after announcing that human rights violations will be overlooked and a “rotation government” will be installed. The paper will identify the weaknesses that prevent the completion of conditions necessary for reforms and the establishment of democratic institutions. The study is mainly concerned with tracking the stages of political and constitutional reforms, the progress of demands since independence until the amendment of the 2011 Constitution, reciting the turning points in the history of political conflicts between the royal authority and the opposition forces, and analyzing the major outcomes that resulted, whether in terms of the specificity of the approaches and the proposed exits to liquidate the legacy of the authoritarian past, towards adopting institutional consensuses and approaches to implementing transitional justice and a controlled democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a comparative analysis of three indicators of the state of Arab unity between 2021 and 2022, based on the fact that Arab unity is a cumulative process in awareness and in practical reality, and therefore its achievement requires popular and democratic struggle. The first indicator is the Arab national state, meaning the extent of the state’s cohesion in the face of threats, disintegration and fragmentation. The second indicator is Arab-Arab relations, whether Arab countries are cooperative or vice versa. The third indicator is to measure the effectiveness of the Arab system by studying the performance of the League of Arab States, specifically the summit conferences and the decisions and recommendations issued by them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Idafat : Arab Journal of Sociology is the property of Centre for Arab Unity Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rushd. If many Arab and non-Arab researchers included Ibn Rushd's thought within the intellectual system of the Middle Ages, where transmission dominated the mind, then this article defends the basic idea that Ibn Rushd, despite being living in the Middle Ages, established for himself a rational philosophical approach that made his thought closer to modern times. The paper defends this statement through examining original texts of Ibn Rushd, in addition to multiple readings about his philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 11, 2021, US President Joe Badin announced that he would bring together the leaders of a variety of democracies in the world for a virtual Summit on Democracy, to be followed by a second face-to-face summit about a year later. The summit will include commitments and initiatives centered around three main axes: resisting tyranny, combating corruption, and promoting respect for human rights. After a year of consultations, coordination and action, the leaders meet again, to present progress against their commitments. The two summits will bring together heads of state, civil society, the charitable sector and the private sector. In light of the above, this paper seeks to read the American move from the perspective of (international relations theories). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]