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"Geyi" used to be a methodology to preach Buddhist ideas in China when Buddhism first arrived in China. Borrowing from analogous concepts and terminology which are familiar to the local people to explain the ideas of an unacquainted Buddhism - this is the meaning of Geyi. It is an interesting phenomenon to see a reversed trend of Geyi is going on in the latest development of Buddhist psychology. "Reverse Geyi" is a methodology to adopt Western terminology to explain and interpret Chinese traditional thoughts. In the recent development of Buddhist psychology, using Western psychology theories and concepts to explain, interpret or elaborate Buddhist ideas about the mind is an obvious trend in academia. While "Geyi" could be regarded as a temporary means for people to understand Buddhist ideas, what is the purpose of adopting "Reverse Geyi"? This paper intends to explore the role of "Reverse Geyi" in the recent development of Buddhist psychology. To achieve this objective, this paper first studied the discourse of researchers in this field. What are the goals they want to achieve? Why are they adopting Western psychology to interpret Buddhist ideas about the mind? There are two main goals that the researchers want to achieve, including 1) popularizing Buddhist psychology's knowledge, and 2) modernizing Buddhist psychology. With the analysis of relevant examples, this paper concludes that adopting "Reverse Geyi" as a means to achieve those two goals is useful temporarily. It cannot be adopted as a long-term strategy. More focus should be put on empirical studies to realize the goals set by the researchers in the field of Buddhist psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the quotations that Yan Shigu ... cited from the Shijing ... in his commentaries on the Hanshu … . Ban Gu ..., the historian who compiled the Hanshu, was a scholar of the Han dynasty steeped in the classical studies. Yan Shigu, a scholar of the Tang dynasty, followed Ban's practice of citing the Classics... in his writing. Yan's quotations fall into two general categories: (1) his interpretation of Hanshu's quotations from the Classics, and (2) his own quotations from the Classics to explain texts in the Hanshu. As there were two major commentaries on the Shijing, namely the Mao Commentary ... and the annotations by Zheng Xuan ..., this paper will examine the choice that Yan made between the two. In addition, it will also look at Zhu Xi's ... (of the Song dynasty) use of Yan's comments in his annotations of the Shijing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the avoidance of taboo characters, through the method of textual comparison of parallel passages, in the Shiji ... and other works compiled in the Pre-Han and Han dynasty. The differences in taboo methods between "The Biographies of the Diviners" ... and other passages in the Shiji which were composed by Chu Shaosun ... will also be examined. Comparing parallel passages provides us with an accurate way to account for the differences and similarities in text with the same source. The taboo system applied to the names of emperors had a long history in China, yet some of the emperors' names from the Western Han dynasty are not tabooed in the Shiji. Among the ten passages written by Chu, it is believed that the tabooed characters in "The Biographies of the Diviners" are different from other passages. In this study, the method of both textual comparison of parallel passages and substitution by alternative characters to avoid the taboo will be explained. With concrete and specific examples, the avoidance of taboo characters in the Shiji and other works compiled in the Pre-Han and Han dynasty will be discussed at length. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of copyright in China can be traced back to Sung dynasty, when printing was a profitable enterprise. Authors did not seem to actively involve in the profitability issue, as was illustrated by the cases of Jung chai sui pi by Hung Mai and Ssu shu huo wen by Chu Hsi. Publishers, on the other hand, were more eager to protect their financial interest. At least three examples were found of publisher's proclamation of its exclusive right to print a certain work: Tung tu shih liteh (printed ca. 1190-94), Hsin pian ssu liu pi yong fang yü sheng lan (1238) and Ts'ung kuei mao shih chi chieh (1248). Allof them occurred in late Southern Sung. In all these examples, the printers concerned had some affiliation with the officialdom, and were therefore privileged families. Generally speaking, copyright proclamation occurred only in private printing. Whatever its purpose and form, copyright protection is a natural outcome of the commercialization of printing, a phenomenon generally agreed to first happened in Sung China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]